The Uncomfortable Truth of Elusive Economic Development- Nigeria’s
Century Old Failures and Prospects for A New Nigeria
For the Record: Full text of Dr. Oby Ezekwesili’s speech at the APC National Summit in Abuja
Protocols:
Good afternoon, chieftains and members of the Action People’s Congress.
Thanks
for inviting me as your Keynote Speaker at your Unveiling of Road Map
Summit. I do not know how you decided to take this high risk of inviting
me to your gathering, knowing full well that my zeal for candor can be
generally unsettling for some people of your class and occupation. Since
you took the risk, I have assumed the liberty to speak boldly even to
your discomfort especially considering that we live in a season of grim
when our country is greatly troubled. In perilous times like this, Truth
is the absolute freedom. I shall be spurred on by the counsel of George
Orwell who in honor of truth stated that “in a time of deceit telling
the truth is a revolutionary act”. I further assume that if you wanted
someone with the skills of deceit, it would not be me that you would
have invited to your gathering. I therefore speak to you today not as a
politician
Context and Fact are very important for me as both a
scholar and practitioner of public policy. Context is the missing link
that helps us to connect the dots between the visible and the hidden,
and between the general and the specific. Fact or Truth is the evidence
that never takes flight nor ceases to exist even where ignored for
hundred years. So my speech in content and delivery will be hinged on
context and facts.For context, nothing serves a better guide than
History. The philosopher and novelist George Santayana famously said
that “Those who do not remember the past are condemned to repeat it”.
Winston Churchill reinforced Santayana by counselling, “Study history,
study history. In history lies all the secrets of statecraft.” I am
compelled even further to tread the path of history by our Centenary
celebration and shall therefore use – Nigeria’s political history as the
context for this speech.
The Political trajectory of Nigeria
much like her entire history is checkered. In the book, This House has
Fallen, “Nigeria was the focus of great optimism as a powerful emerging
nation that would be a showcase for democratic government”. Sadly the
optimism was frittered over the years. I shall take the excerpts from my
University of Nigeria lecture in January in this regard. “If you traced
the political history of our country since independence in 1960 and you
will better understand the horror of our faulty political foundation.
The first democratic government ushered in an independent Nigeria but
was cut short by a coup in 1966, a counter coup in 1967, civil war from
1967 to 1970, military rule from 1970 at the end of the war until
another coup in 1975, another unsuccessful coup in 1976 the then Head of
State was murdered, continued rule of the military until 1979 when a
successful political transition ushered in the second republic but it
became a democratic process that did not leave a good mark on governance
until it was cut short in 1983 by yet another military coup but the
discipline instilling but draconian regime was itself sent packing in
1985 through yet another coup.
The succeeding regime ruled from
1985 until 1993. The hallmark of that regime was procrastinated conduct
of a transition to democracy. When it finally, reluctantly started the
transition process, it regrettably went ahead to thwart the political
rights of citizens who had elected a democratic president by annulling
the elections. The regime then responded to the public disturbance and
agitation that followed by installing an interim national government
that lasted only three months following yet another military
intervention. The regime that followed was more heinous than ever
imagined possible by Nigerians until 1998 when by divine providence, it
was cut short. Never again! A new season came but it was yet one with
the military still in the saddle. That regime however surprised skeptics
when it successfully conducted a transition that ushered in democratic
governance in 1999 ending the long sixteen years of militarization of
governance that materially defines the psyche of government in Nigeria.
Cumulatively, from the time of our independence in 1960 to 1999- the
military governed for about twenty nine years while two flashes of
pseudo democracy had a little more than ten years in all. The common
theme in our extremely unstable and volatile political history was that
each regime truncation mirrored a Russian roulette with justification
for regime change being the “necessity to rescue the country from bad
governance and corruption”.
Compared to the mere six years of
1960-1966 and the even shorter four and a half years of 1979-1983, the
period of 1999 to date under democratic rule has been the longest ever
season of such political system in Nigeria. An objective assessment of
our democratic journey since the last fifteen years by May of this year,
will return the verdict that we are very much still in the nascent zone
of democracy as a political system which despite all its short comings
trump all other alternatives. Fifteen years has given us more of
civilian rule than democracy. The quality of the military/political
elite and the depth of undemocratic culture, practices and nuances have
worked to produce very disappointing results of governance to citizens.
Yet, we must temper our disappointment with the cautious sense of
accomplishment that the subordination of the military to the
constitutional will of the people of Nigeria in the 1999, 2003, 2007,
2011 elections is perhaps the very tiny ray of light in what had for
more than five decades been a canvass of political tragedies.
“Today
is Independence Day. The first of October 1960 is a date to which for
two years, Nigeria has been eagerly looking forward. At last, our great
day has arrived, and Nigeria is now indeed an independent Sovereign
nation. Words cannot adequately express my joy and pride at being the
Nigerian citizen privileged to accept from Her Royal Highness these
Constitutional Instruments which are the symbols of Nigeria’s
Independence. It is a unique privilege which I shall remember forever,
and it gives me strength and courage as I dedicate my life to the
service of our country. This is a wonderful day, and it is all the more
wonderful because we have awaited it with increasing impatience,
compelled to watch one country after another overtaking us on the road
when we had so nearly reached our goal. But now, we have acquired our
rightful status, and I feel sure that history will show that the
building of our nation proceeded at the wisest pace: it has been
thorough, and Nigeria now stands well-built upon firm foundations.”
These
were the very gushing and giddy words of the first Prime Minister of
Nigeria Alhaji Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa on October 1, 1960.
According
to history books, prehistoric settlers lived in the territories that
make up the area today known as Nigeria as far back as 9000 BC.
According to Wikipedia, the period of the 15th century saw the emergence
of several “early independent kingdoms and states” that made up the
British colonialized Nigeria – Benin kingdom, Borgu kingdom, Fulani
empire, Hausa kingdoms, Kanem Bornu empire, Kwararafa kingdom, Ibibio
Kingdom, Nri kingdom, Nupe kingdom, Oyo Kingdom, Songhai empire and
Warri Kingdom. Each Kingdom was composed of dominant ethnic
nationalities with unique language, custom, culture, tradition and
religion. ”
These kingdoms independently traded among themselves and
with the rest of the world especially Great Britain. It was however by
1886 through expanded trade with the territories under the charter of
the Royal Niger Company that the mercantilist root of that influence
became established. The handover of the company’s territories to the
British Government followed in 1900 leading to the areas becoming
organized as protectorates that helped extend the great British Empire
of that era. In 1914, Nigeria was formed by combining the Northern and
Southern Protectorates and the Colony of Lagos. For administrative
purposes, it was divided into four units: the colony of Lagos, the
Northern Provinces, the Eastern Provinces and the Western Provinces.”
One
could say that considering the way Nigeria emerged it was no more than
an artificial creation purely intended to serve the administrative
convenience of the reigning colonial power. In fact, no one better
conveyed this perception of Nigeria as artificiality than Chief Obafemi
Awolowo who once described Nigeria as a “mere geographical expression”.
It is common for Nigerians across the territory in moments of deep
despair at the failings of this union of multiple diversities to loudly
rue the fact that a certain Lord Lugard and his fiancée – Ms. Shaw -were
the “creators” of Nigeria.
The forty six years that followed the
creation of Nigeria until her independence in 1960, saw varying degrees
of mutation in the relationship between Britain and the people of the
territory. The journey of governance commenced among the three dominant
regions that made up the Nigerian territory- namely the North, the West
and the East. There were understandably, deep mistrusts and suspicions
among the ethnic groups with each one seeking to advance their own cause
and interest but their leaders managed to forge a united front in the
struggle to attain self-government. Their successive negotiations and
constitution building processes among them and acting jointly, with
colonial Britain- helped to achieve one of the most anticipated
political independence of a country in Africa. It culminated in the
successful agitation for self-government on a representative and
ultimately federal basis. The great Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe who was first the
Governor General at independence in 1960 and later ceremonial President
when in 1963 we became a Republic, succinctly captured that feat of the
Nationalists in gaining independence.
He wrote in 1966 that, “We
talked the Colonial Office into accepting our challenges for the
demerits and merits of our case for self-government. After six
constitutional conferences in 1953, 1954, 1957, 1958, 1959, and 1960,
Great Britain conceded to us the right to assert our political
independence as from October 1, 1960. None of the Nigerian political
parties ever adopted violent means to gain our political freedom and we
are happy to claim that not a drop of British or Nigerian blood was shed
in the course of our national struggle for our place in the sun. This
historical fact enabled me to state publicly in Nigeria that Her
Majesty’s Government has presented self-government to us on a platter of
gold.”
Ladies and gentlemen, the Great Zik of Africa who had
profound influence in the philosophy of life of late Chief Ben Nwazojie
whose family has gathered us- had great hopes that the successful
struggle for independence would bequeath to us as a people; “our place
in the sun”. And yet, even though that entity created in 1914 will
become one Century years old in the next three months and had only a few
days ago became a relatively old country of fifty three years, its
present state is anything but sunny for majority of her citizens. For
the fact is that whether of the North, South, East or West of the
present day Nigerian territory we know that most Nigerians feel but a
deep sense of disappointment at what has become of the dream that our
founding fathers dared to imagine was possible. That deep internal
threats to Nigeria’s territorial integrity remain part of core issues of
our polity in 2013 menacingly brings into sharp focus the wide gulf
between what it means to be a country as different from the higher order
state of being a nation.
Thus, the phrase, “an independent
Sovereign nation” that Sir Tafawa Balewa used in describing Nigeria in
his sweet poetry of a speech at independence remains under doubtful
scrutiny and is constantly under threat through various cycles of our
political history. For if there is one construct that remains the sticky
point in our COUNTRY today, it is whether indeed there is yet a NATION
called Nigeria? Or put differently, what happened to the COUNTRY that
held so much promise on that morning of October 1, 1960? After all,
nothing makes the point of the failure to successfully transition from
country to nation than the fact that a only week ago, the current
government as a response to heightened socio-political tensions in the
land announced yet another National Dialogue that is “aimed at
realistically examining and genuinely resolving, longstanding
impediments to our cohesion and harmonious development as a truly united
Nation”.
What happened? How come a country which at independence
was enthusiastically described by our first leader as an independent
sovereign nation is at fifty three years hosting another “national
conversation” to determine whether it is a worthy union for everyone?
Was it also not only a few years ago in 2006 that the administration of
President Olusegun Obasanjo had hosted as similar gathering? Who were
the people that discussed at that time and what did they resolve? What
seems to be the intractable issue that almost every administration
–military and civilian alike- have not managed to settle on whether we
do indeed have a common destiny or not? How come that despite the oft
expressed “sincere intent” of each cycle of ruling class (mark my choice
of word as distinct from leadership); that each hosted some sort of
national dialogue, conference, conversation, forum etc. (choose your
pick), we are nowhere closer today to our destination of nationhood. To
imagine that our founding fathers mistakenly assumed that we became a
nation because the various nationalities worked collaboratively to
secure independence from a common external “foe” in 1960? How could it
be that this journey has thus far turned out agonizing for almost every
one of us?
Even following the most traumatic civil war that ended
in 1970, the reemergence as one country provided a context to rally the
entire citizenry to build from country to nation. Sadly, that was a
missed opportunity. Is it therefore not heartrending that the present
state of our country nearly questions our status as a Country? The pain
of this truism is that we are in 2014 faced with exactly the same types
of ethnic issues that dotted our union in the 60s. How was it that for
over fifty three years, we never went beyond the amalgamation process to
becoming a Country and subsequently transforming into a Nation? The
simple answer to the lamentation and question is that elite failure
happened to Nigeria! A little more political history following the
events of October 1, 1960 will help clarify my answer, simple as it may
sound to those who thrive in confounding complexity.
The Elite of
every successful society always form the nucleus of citizens with the
prerequisite education, ethics and capabilities operating in the
political sphere and the public service, providing the great ideas to
build the nation and possessing the moral rectitude to always act in the
public interest. Access to quality Education ensures that the elite
group evolves constantly in every society. For as long as nations have
public education systems that function, the poorest of their citizens is
guaranteed to move up the ladder and someday emerge as a member of the
elite class through academic hard work, strenuous effort and ultimate
success at the higher levels of education.
For every society that
has succeeded therefore, it has taken such progressively evolving elite
class to identify the problems, forge the political systems and
processes, soundly articulate a rallying vision and use sound Policies
and effective and efficient prioritisation of investments (both public
and private) and requisite actions to over time build those strong
institutions that outlive the best of charismatic and transformative
individuals. But it always does start with quality leadership in the
public space investing in a sustained manner for lasting institutions to
eventually emerge over time. Institutions do not just happen. In the
same manner, nations do not just happen out of multi-ethnic countries.
The globally adopted definition of a country is “ An independent State
or country must meet certain metrics all of which we did on that date:
• Has space or territory which has internationally recognized boundaries (boundary disputes are OK).
• Has people who live there on an ongoing basis.
• Has economic activity and an organized economy. A country regulates foreign and domestic trade and issues money.
• Has the power of social engineering, such as education.
• Has a transportation system for moving goods and people.
• Has a government which provides public services and police power.
• Has sovereignty. No other State should have power over the country’s territory.
• Has external recognition. A country has been “voted into the club” by other countries.
Sadly,
Nigeria came to simply equate our statehood with nationhood when our
founding fathers used those terms almost interchangeably forgetting that
a State is not always necessarily a Nation. True, we had becoming a
self-governing political entity that negotiated a federal structure that
was cognizant of the near autonomy of each of its constituting group of
people, but although an independent; we were not and have never acted
like a Nation!
Nations are “culturally homogeneous groups of
people, larger than a single tribe or community, who shares a common
language, institutions, religion, and historical experience.” Each of
our then three dominant groups though having their own internal multiple
sub-groups and diversities to resolve still saw themselves as
stand-alone nations. However, once it related to the territorial
construct known as Nigeria that it shares with the other two groups, no
group particularly acted as though the union had forged a “Nigerian
nationhood” in that broader sense. Hence, although we continued to be a
Country, we however did not attain to the definition of a nation which
is “a tightly-knit group of people which share a common culture”. The
people of a nation generally share a common national identity, and part
of nation-building is the building of that common identity. There were
so many fundamental issues that our country which is unlike France of
Germany or even Egypt needed to resolve among its multiple divides if it
wished to make that profound jump from country to Nation in order to
attain the status of a nation-state.
The Elite in those instances
are required to lead the rest of the people in a deliberative process
of nation building- of forging that common identity that all will
defend. It is the visionary power of the elite to move a people of
diversity beyond the lowest common denominator of mere citizens of one
country into a nation of people that makes the United States to stand
out as a model multi-cultural society. Hence, even “with its
multicultural society, the United States is also referred to as a
nation-state because of the shared American “culture.” Some people may
of course dismiss this crave for evolution from country into a nation
and say it does not matter. For those ones, I recall the wise words of
Carolyn Stephenson, a Professor of Political Science at the Univ. of
Hawaii-Manoa. Her words could have been written with our country in
mind. Professor Stephenson states that “ Nation-building matters to
intractable conflict because of the theory that a strong state is
necessary in order to provide security, that the building of an
integrated national community is important in the building of a state,
and that there may be social and economic prerequisites or co-requisites
to the building of an integrated national community” Simply put, if a
people of diversity in a country truly wish to succeed, they must forge a
shared vision and values to realize their goal.
Our failure to
immediately use the early days of independence to commence the nation
building process is what I consider the biggest missed opportunity in
the history of Nigeria. It is the reason as Professor Stephenson
asserts, we find ourselves in “cyclical intractable conflict” So, it was
not surprising that shortly after the novelty of our political
independence wore off the troubling underbelly of our nascent democracy
was revealed in the rather prescient reading of the situation at that
time by the Central Intelligence Agency of the United States in one of
its memorandum of 1966. It wrote “Africa’s most populous country
(population estimated at 48 million) is in the throes of a highly
complex internal crisis rooted in its artificial origin as a British
dependency containing over 250 diverse and often antagonistic tribal
groups. The present crisis started” with Nigerian independence in 1960,
but the federated parliament hid “serious internal strains. It has been
in an acute stage since last January when a military coup d’état
destroyed the constitutional regime bequeathed by the British and upset
the underlying tribal and regional power relationships. At stake now are
the most fundamental questions which can be raised about a country,
beginning with whether it will survive as a single viable entity. The
situation is uncertain, with Nigeria,……is sliding downhill faster and
faster, with less and less chance unity and stability. Unless present
army leaders and contending tribal elements soon reach agreement on a
new basis for association and take some effective measures to halt a
seriously deteriorating security situation, there will be increasing
internal turmoil, possibly including civil war”.
The failure to
build a nation out of the country it was bequeathed did in fact change
the course of Nigeria’s history. It meant that our foundling political
elite could not speedily and “sincerely act” on the lofty ideals. The
nation building process could have benefitted from their nationalist
campaign for independence when they had successfully united against a
common “enemy” and brought us our independence. Instead, our political
elite turned backward on the supposed “independent sovereign nation” and
resorted to lethal ethnicity in playing a brand of politics mostly
devoid of altruism. So much so was this prevalent character of the
political elite across board that they collectively failed to retrace
their steps from the precipitous slide. It was within this context of
elite failure that the 1966 military coup struck unleashing a canvass of
governance instability that only abated in 1999 when the fourth
Republic commenced with the successful democratic transition currently
running for the last fourteen years.
No wonder, empirical
evidence points to poor governance –especially corruption as the biggest
obstacle to the development of Nigeria. Understanding the cancerous
impact of understand how come a country with the potentials hardly
available to more than other one third nations of the world has remained
at the bottom of socio economic ladder as a laggard. Economic growth
rate and ultimate development of nations are determined by a number of
factors that range from sound policies, effective and efficient public
and private investments and strong institutions. Economic evidence
throughout numerous researches proves that one key variable that
determines how fast nations outgrow others is the speed of accumulation
of human capital especially through science and technology education. No
wonder for these same countries by 2011- South Korea of fifty million
people has a GDP of $1.12trillion, Brazil of one hundred and ninety six
million has $2.48 trillion; Malaysia of twenty eight million people has
$278.6Billion; Chile of seventeen million people has $248.59Billion;
Singapore of five million people has $318.7 Billion. Meanwhile with our
population of 165 million people we make boasts with a GDP of $235.92
Billion- completely way off the mark that we could have produced if we
made a better set of development choices.
More dramatic is that
this wide gap between these nations and Nigeria was not always the case
as some relevant data at the time of our independence reveal. In 1960
the GDP per capita of all these countries were not starkly different
from that of Nigeria- two were below $200, two were a little above $300
and one was slightly above $500 while that of Nigeria was just about
$100. For citizens, these differentials are not mere economic data.
Meanwhile by 2011, the range for all five grew exponentially with
Singapore at nearly $50,000, South Korea at $22,000, Malaysia at
$10,000, Brazil at $13,000 and Chile at $14,000. Our own paltry $1500
income per capita helps drive home the point that we have been left
behind many times over by every one of these other countries. How did
these nations steer and stir their people to achieve such outstanding
economic performance over the last five decades? There is hardly a basis
for comparing the larger population of our citizens clustered within
the poverty bracket with the majority citizens of Singapore fortunate to
have upper middle income standard of living.
Again, how did this
happen? What happened to Nigeria? Why did we get left behind? How did
these nations become productively wealthy over the last fifty three
years while Nigeria stagnated? How did majority of the citizens of these
nations join the upper middle class while more Nigerians retrogressed
into poverty? There are usually as many different answers to these sets
of questions as there are respondents on the reasons we fell terribly
behind. Some say, it is our tropical geography, yet economic research
shows it has not prevented other countries like China, Australia, Chile
and Brazil for example with similar conditions from breaking through
economically. Others say it is size, but China and India are bigger, and
yet in the last thirty and twenty years have grown double digit and
continue to out- grow the rest of the world at this time of global
economic crisis. Furthermore, being small has not necessarily conferred
any special advantages to so many other countries with small population
yet similarly battling with the development process like we are.
Some
others say it is our culture but like a political economist posited
“European countries with different sorts of cultures, Protestant and
Catholic alike that have grown rich. Secondly, different countries
within the same broad cultures have performed very differently in
economic terms, such as the two Koreas in the post-war era. Moreover,
individual countries have changed their economic trajectories even
though “their cultures didn’t miraculously change.” How about those who
plead our multiethnic nationalities as the constraint but fail to see
that the United States of America happens to be one nation with even
more disparate ethnic nationalities than Nigeria and yet it leads the
global economy! As for those who say it is the adverse impact of
colonialism, were Singapore, Malaysia and even parts of China like Hong
Kong not similarly conquered and dominated by colonialists?
That
Nigeria is a paradox of the kind of wealth that breeds penury is as
widely known as the fact that the world considers us a poster nation for
poor governance wealth from natural resources. The trend of Nigeria’s
population in poverty since 1980 to 2010 for example suggests that the
more we earned from oil, the larger the population of poor citizens :
17.1 million 1980, 34.5million in 1985, 39.2million in 1992, 67.1million
in 1996, 68.7million in 2004 and 112.47 million in 2010! This sadly
means that you are children of a nation blessed with abundance of
ironies.
Resource wealth has tragically reduced your nation- my
nation- to a mere parable of prodigality. Nothing undignifies nations
and their citizens like self-inflicted failure.
Our abundance of
oil, people and geography should have worked favorably and placed us on
the top echelons of the global economic ladder by now. After all, basic
economic evidence shows that abundance of natural resources can by
itself increase the income levels of citizens even if it does not
increase their productivity. For example, as Professor Collier a
renowned economist who has focused on the sector stated in a recent
academic work countries that have enormously valuable natural resources
are likely to have high living standards on a sustainable basis by
simply replacing some of the extracted resources with financial assets
held abroad. Disappointedly, even that choice eluded our governing class
who through the decades has spent more time quarreling over their share
of the oil “national cake” than they have spent thinking of how to make
it benefit the entire populace.
The coup of 1966 anchored its
justification on the failure of the political class to provide good
governance. In the exact word of the leader of the coup; “Our enemies
are the political profiteers, the swindlers, the men in high and low
places that seek bribes and demand 10 percent; those that seek to keep
the country divided permanently so that they can remain in office as
ministers or VIPs at least, the tribalists, the nepotists, those that
make the country look big for nothing before international circles,
those that have corrupted our society and put the Nigerian political
calendar back by their words and deeds.”
In effect, what we today
confront as systemic corruption only metamorphosed to gigantic
proportion through the over nearly fifty decades of the speech given to
justify the first truncation of the will of the people for democratic
governance. As a matter of fact, anyone who will find and read all the
justification statements for coups and the inauguration statements for
democratically elected governments in our fifty three years of being a
country will assume that each group merely modified the speech of their
predecessors. Perhaps the only differences were the locations of the
punctuation marks, the commas, the semi colons and the full stops in
each statement that followed this excerpt from the statement of 1966.
The
substance is the same – indignation at the grand corruption that has
persistently undermined the effectiveness of governance since our
political independence. The instructive feature of the dramatis personae
that made up the military and political elite class at various times is
their uncanny national spread and the unity of purpose they managed and
have continued to manage to forge among them in the ignoble business of
committing grand larceny against the country. Ethnicity was hardly and
still is not a constraining factor once the political elite of Nigeria-
whether from the North, South, East and West gather at the altar of
corruption to execute their unifying purpose of “transactions”. They are
united in “extracting” from Nigeria because it does appear in the minds
that the country can never move beyond a mere artificial political
construct.
Of all the obstacles to our greatness, there were two
on which citizens irrespective of their affiliations seemed to have
forged a consensus as the priority agenda issues for their governments
to mobilize every sector, level and individual; to unite, fight and
defeat. The two issues are systemic corruption and pernicious poverty.
However, in the last one year with escalations in insecurity wherein we
are now faced with more immediate life threatening scourge of terrorism
within our land those two priorities are overtaken in ranking. That we
now experience regular terrorist killing of the innocent in our land has
pushed the twin issues of poverty and corruption to second and third
priorities of citizens. These recent killings have joined with the civil
war of the 60s to pollute Nigeria with fresh blood of our children- our
daughters and sons, the blood of our women, the blood of our men, the
blood of our young and the blood of our old.
Citizens who had
assumed that the worst possible was the many decades of being trapped in
intergenerational poverty in an ironically “oil wealthy” are now
exposed to deadlier acts of terrorism. Terrorists became emboldened by
the absence of our political class across the entire spectrum of
political leadership who decided to “play their normal politics” with
the blood of the poor. The blood soaked land is convulsing. Do we not
hear the cries especially of the young children and women killed for a
cause they know nothing about? I read the fear laden articles and tweets
of many young Nigerians asking “when this carnage will end?” I hear
them lash out angrily that it is the cumulative failure of older
generations of us all in this gathering that is bequeathing to them- a
country so broken and mortally bruised that again we need divine
intervention to heal the land and people.
Is it therefore not
unconscionable that in the over nearly three years of rising trend of
terrorist attacks against whole communities in the central and north
eastern states of Nigeria where our kith and kin have regularly been
slaughtered in cold blood; the milk of empathy has not yet flowed from
our Elders in the Land in the entire political spectrum to suspend
“transactional politicking” and build a united front against this newest
common enemy? Is it not unconscionable that despite the massive public
resources committed to security spending, the government has failed to
inspire confidence in communities and the large public that feel
excluded from the more secured lives of the political elite?
In
shock, Nigerians have wondered whether our political class which carries
on with politicking to “capture or retain power” is comfortable to
govern dead communities. Is it not time for all of our political leaders
to pay that utmost sacrifice of leadership- lay down their personal
gain for the good of the people they wish to lead. Leadership is not the
office, the title, the authority, the mansion one occupies. Leadership
is the sacrifice offered that others may thrive. There are three grades
of leadership- Transactional, Transformational and Transcendental
leadership. What our nation asks all of you irrespective of the acronyms
that thread together to make you a political party in this land today,
is that you must immediately “transcend” and mobilize all of Nigerians
against the immediate common enemies killing our own within our
territory.
Your act of transcendental leadership across your
various divides in Nigerian politics of today, will not only end this
fatal insecurity in our country, but will actually start the process of
healing of land and the people. The healing of our land and people will
in turn begin the process of rebuilding the eroded social capital that
we must have for nation building process. John Jacob Gardener a
professor of Leadership defines Transcendental Leadership as follows: “A
new metaphor, transcendent leadership, answers a planetary call for a
governance process which is more inclusive, more trusting, more sharing
of information, more meaningfully involving associates or constituents,
more collective decision making through dialogue and group consent
processes, more nurturance and celebration of creative and divergent
thinking and a willingness to serve the will of the collective
consciousness as determined by the group – in essence, a leadership of
service above self” Nothing in any political party manifesto in our
present Nigeria realizes how fundamental it is to first accomplish this
at this time in country.
Economic research has proven that there can be no development without
peace. The underperformance of our country as a result of the volatility
of regime changes and truncation of democracy direly cost us the
opportunity to build vibrant institutions, to pursue on a sustained
basis sound macroeconomic, microeconomic and structural policies and
finally to implement quality, effective and efficient public and private
investment like other nations. Every country is fundamentally composed
of three sectors- the public sector or government, the private sector or
business and civil society. Worse than political instability however is
the growing sense of our current reality that we are “at war”. In a
season of war, ladies and gentlemen, no road map for economic
development is viable- no matter how sound its articulation. I advise
that 2014 offers all political actors in Nigeria, the opportunity to
immediately unite and decisively take our country back from terrorists.
This is my most important economic message for your gathering. As the
leading opposition party in the country, your leadership must be visible
in demonstrating a commitment to reaching out to the Government to
commence a united fight to preserve the lives of all citizens.
Of
all the obstacles to our greatness, there were two on which citizens
irrespective of their affiliations seemed to have forged a consensus as
the priority agenda issues for their governments to mobilize every
sector, level and individual; to unite, fight and defeat. The two issues
are systemic corruption and pernicious poverty. However, in the last
one year with escalations in insecurity wherein we are now faced with
more immediate life threatening scourge of terrorism within our land
those two priorities are overtaken in ranking. That we now experience
regular terrorist killing of the innocent in our land has pushed the
twin issues of poverty and corruption to second and third priorities of
citizens. These recent killings have joined with the civil war of the
60s to pollute Nigeria with fresh blood of our children- our daughters
and sons, the blood of our women, the blood of our men, the blood of our
young and the blood of our old.
Citizens who had assumed that
the worst possible was the many decades of being trapped in
intergenerational poverty in an ironically “oil wealthy” are now exposed
to deadlier acts of terrorism. Terrorists became emboldened by the
absence of our political class across the entire spectrum of political
leadership who decided to “play their normal politics” with the blood of
the poor. The blood soaked land is convulsing. Do we not hear the cries
especially of the young children and women killed for a cause they know
nothing about? I read the fear laden articles and tweets of many young
Nigerians asking “when this carnage will end?” I hear them lash out
angrily that it is the cumulative failure of older generations of us all
in this gathering that is bequeathing to them- a country so broken and
mortally bruised that again we need divine intervention to heal the land
and people.
Is it therefore not unconscionable that in the over
nearly three years of rising trend of terrorist attacks against whole
communities in the central and north eastern states of Nigeria where our
kith and kin have regularly been slaughtered in cold blood; the milk of
empathy has not yet flowed from our Elders in the Land in the entire
political spectrum to suspend “transactional politicking” and build a
united front against this newest common enemy? Is it not unconscionable
that despite the massive public resources committed to security
spending, the government has failed to inspire confidence in communities
and the large public that feel excluded from the more secured lives of
the political elite? In shock, Nigerians have wondered whether our
political class which carries on with politicking to “capture or retain
power” is comfortable to govern dead communities. Is it not time for all
of our political leaders to pay that utmost sacrifice of leadership-
lay down their personal gain for the good of the people they wish to
lead. Leadership is not the office, the title, the authority, the
mansion one occupies. Leadership is the sacrifice offered that others
may thrive. There are three grades of leadership- Transactional,
Transformational and Transcendental leadership. What our nation asks all
of you irrespective of the acronyms that thread together to make you a
political party in this land today, is that you must immediately
“transcend” and mobilize all of Nigerians against the immediate common
enemies killing our own within our territory.
Your act of
transcendental leadership across your various divides in Nigerian
politics of today, will not only end this fatal insecurity in our
country, but will actually start the process of healing of land and the
people. The healing of our land and people will in turn begin the
process of rebuilding the eroded social capital that we must have for
nation building process. John Jacob Gardener a professor of Leadership
defines Transcendental Leadership as follows: “A new metaphor,
transcendent leadership, answers a planetary call for a governance
process which is more inclusive, more trusting, more sharing of
information, more meaningfully involving associates or constituents,
more collective decision making through dialogue and group consent
processes, more nurturance and celebration of creative and divergent
thinking and a willingness to serve the will of the collective
consciousness as determined by the group – in essence, a leadership of
service above self” Nothing in any political party manifesto in our
present Nigeria realizes how fundamental it is to first accomplish this
at this time in country.
Economic research has proven that there
can be no development without peace. The underperformance of our country
as a result of the volatility of regime changes and truncation of
democracy direly cost us the opportunity to build vibrant institutions,
to pursue on a sustained basis sound macroeconomic, microeconomic and
structural policies and finally to implement quality, effective and
efficient public and private investment like other nations. Worse than
political instability however is the growing sense of our current
reality that we are “at war”. In a season of war, ladies and gentlemen,
no road map for economic development is viable- no matter how sound its
articulation. I advise that 2014 offers all political actors in Nigeria,
the opportunity to immediately unite and decisively take our country
back from terrorists. This is my most important economic message for
your gathering. As the leading opposition party in the country, your
leadership must be visible in demonstrating a commitment to reaching out
to the Government to commence a united fight to preserve the lives of
all citizens.
On the twin enemies of corruption and poverty,
those among us who still need proof to believe that indeed the two
severest maladies from which Nigeria must heal are poverty and poor
governance must not have seen the 2013 Global Corruption Barometer 2013.
Poverty and corruption are two things that rob Nigerians of their
dignity; Poverty deprives one of the basic services they need in order
to preserve their self-dignity. Poor governance on the other hand is
what poverty helps breed.
Thus, academic research shows that
countries which have tended to poor governance end delivering not
delivering the basic social services that citizens need in order to lift
themselves out of poverty and where they do at all, it is too little
and too poor a quality to make a difference. It is the capacity to
constantly deliver equality of opportunities for better quality of life
to all citizens that distinguishes one government from another.
Throughout our fifty three years of history following our independence
in 1960, we sadly have not recorded one stellar record of performance in
this regard by any government. Today, our 69% poor in the land which in
real number is over 100 million of citizens trapped in poverty is the
key scorecard of our five decades of failure.
When asked by
citizens why they think they have been constantly failed by their
governments, they mostly respond that the failure of the state to
effectively function is corruption. This much they said to Transparency
International which invests heavily in surveys around the world. The
result of the most recent survey, tagged ‘Global Corruption Barometer
2013′, (the biggest-ever public opinion survey on corruption) was
recently released all over the world. It showed that 75 per cent of
Nigerians say the government’s effort at fighting corruption is
ineffective. Only 14 per cent of those surveyed say the government’s
effort is achieving results. Also, 94 per cent of Nigerians think
corruption is a problem with 78 per cent saying it is a serious problem.
Over
the past 12 months, the report says, 81 per cent of Nigerians say they
have given a bribe to the police, 30 per cent of those surveyed say they
have paid a bribe for education services, 29 per cent have given a
bribe to the registry and permit services, same for utilities, and 24
per cent have given a bribe to the judiciary. The survey shows that 22
per cent of Nigerians have paid a bribe to tax revenue, 17 per cent to
land services and 9 per cent has paid a bribe for medical and health
services. Transparency International had last year rated Nigeria as the
35th most corrupt country in the world. Whether we choose to accept it
or not, we are a country engulfed in systemic and endemic corruption
with its attendant cancerous – wasting away, corrosive effect- on what
is legendarily called our “huge potentials”.
Take the natural
resources sector to which we have willingly and disastrously mortgaged
our lives to as a result of failure of leadership to embrace hard work,
effort and productivity as national values. Nigeria is Africa’s largest
oil exporter, and the world’s 10th largest oil producer, accounting for
more than 2.2 million barrels a day in 2011. Oil revenues totaled $50.3
billion in 2011 and generated more than 70 percent of government
revenues. However, for a sector that sadly determines our rise and fall
in the last fifty three years, Nigeria’s Performance on the Resource
Governance Index (carried out by the global NGO- Revenue Watch Institute
of the Open Society Foundations) – Nigeria received a “weak” score of
42, ranking 40th out of 58 countries.
We stood out among the 80%
of countries which fail to achieve good governance in their extractive
sectors. The insalubrious performance of this dominant revenue source
seems to be one we have decided to wear elegantly with a mindset that
refuses to embrace the kind of fundamental change that will set the
nation free. A read of the now famous in the breach, PIB shows that we
have refused to surrender and subordinate the huge power of discretion
exercised by the President in all matters concerning oil since the last
many decades. Surely, for what we know of the huge benefits of
transparency and competition it does indeed stir the minds of those that
have no interest in oil blocks but who care for the maximization of
value for the aggregate social good of Nigeria that we walk the
provisions of our NEITI law.
The pervasive hold over our economy
by oil shows up in everything. In our Sovereign credit rating recently,
poor governance, low per capita Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and reserve
cover were identified as Nigeria’s biggest challenge to joining other
Emerging Markets (EMs) according to Richard Fox of Fitch Ratings.
According to him, these areas represent Nigeria’s biggest challenge to
improving its rating, as highlighted in Fitch’s previous research. Of
the three, reserve cover is the most susceptible to rapid improvement,
particularly at current high oil prices. This is because although at
that time of his comment, Nigeria’s reserves had risen by around $2
billion they are not rising as fast as in the majority of big oil
exporters”. Comparisons always help convey these kinds of information
better.
During the period, 2009 to 2011 Algeria expanded her
savings from current oil boom by at least 30% to build up its reserve
and invest in critical infrastructure. The new comer Angola nearly
doubled its reserve while simultaneously implementing a huge public
investment program to build diversity of critical infrastructure. Sadly,
whether it is building up reserves/saving or in building critical
infrastructure and human capital our own trend is in the reverse. For
even though crude price rose or has held steady at different time, the
quality of governance continues to hobble our capacity to strike out
onto the path of success.
WHAT PROSPECTS FOR THE FUTURE THEN?
In
what and whom do I place my confidence that a New Nigeria will emerge?
What is it that engenders my confidence that our five decades of failure
is not sustainable: First is the rising crescendo of dissatisfaction
with the concept of Failure by the over 50% percent of our population
that are young. That daily the young people of Nigeria- educated or not
are anxious to path ways with Failure is a source of optimism.
Today,
more than 40% of our young people may be unemployed and requiring a
major intervention that matches skills with economic structural change
but they represent strength for any leadership that “transcends” in the
way it allocates public resources to priorities. They insist by the
words and action that they know we can do better than we have done since
our independence. The Women who constituting about 50% of our
population are by the records of present accomplishment, the most
visible secret weapons of our economic, social and political
development. The entrepreneurial and “can do” spirit of just these two
groups- the spirit that seeks to compete even with the rest in the world
by first conquering the uncertain and disabling context in which it
operates is emerging as the counter cultural shock to an elite class
that entrenched contemptible wealth based on ignoble ease as a national
creed.
The return of the values of hard work and the reward of
creativity and innovation are the New Normal that Citizens want to
engage their governments on. Citizens question the things and values we
reward. They question the perverse incentive that rewards abhorrent
behaviour while punishing what is right. They are perplexed when they
watch the elite class destroy the potency of sanctions regime in every
just society by acts that fail to demand the cost of bad behaviour from
big offenders . Citizens wish to unleash their talents and be
facilitated by a capable and service oriented public service to identify
new sources of growth forcing the diversification rhetoric into reality
finally. We must think through how to expand the revenue base of the
country and manage it efficiently. Nigeria’s revenue cannot cater for
the size of the population that we have and we seek to exploit other
creative and natural endowments of nature which primarily is our huge
population of people with diverse capabilities.
The generation of
human capital through education- access to quality basic, tertiary
education expanded and well costed with access for the poor and
entrepreneurship education relevant to the needs of the economy is
priority agenda for a country that has grown over more then a decade now
without significant structural change. The structural transformation
that focuses on growing indigenous enterprise and deliberatively
removing obstacles on the path to economic growth for the women and the
young with ideas is what a results oriented government owes Citizens.
According to data from the World Bank, it is clear that 74% of our
revenue comes from non-oil (mainly agricultural exports) as at 1970. We
have sadly reversed that suffering the pernicious effect of oil, as
currently oil account for 74% of gross national revenue reversing the
trend. While Nigeria exported 502 Metric tons of groundnut in 1961 which
was 42% of global production as at that time, we currently export
almost nothing with the pyramids now invented in stories told to our
children.
Citizens are redefining what true attributes of
leadership are by demanding that those who shall lead must be all
possessing of – competency, character, competency and capacity. Neither
of the three can substitute for the other, The political and
technocratic class have no choice but to commit to redeeming our public
institutions and the human resources that run them. The redemption
starts with a true commitment to addressing today’s egregious cost of s
the mantra of today’s citizens.
Citizens want to see real
commitment to addressing the egregious cost of governance that
constitutes massive opportunity cost for equitable economic development
that benefits the larger number of citizens currently excluded from the
benefits of the growth of the last fourteen years of return to
democracy. Citizens associate our meagre revenue which pales when
compared to our prospective peers known as MINT, with wastes, gross
inefficiency and corruption. Currently, we have N1.7tn paid out of
salaries, N721bn for debt servicing and other recurrent items which puts
our capital expenditure around N1.1tn. How then do we expand the
economy, build the modern infrastructure if for every N100 that we spend
in actual terms, over N80 goes to recurrent items. Those are the issues
which to engage leadership on resolving.
Citizens can now better
link public resources and results in their outcry for value-for-money
and in the exercise of their right to demand for accountability. They
know that our power problems all these years are not merely technical-
it is governance failure. Our transportation problem are not technical,
it was governance failure. Our poor production and productivity in
agriculture is not merely technical, it is governance failure. They know
that our health and education and over all underperformance in humans
development score are not merely technical, it is due to governance
failure.
It cost $148bn dollars in todays value to rebuild Europe
after the World War II. This is less than half of the funds that was
attributed to have been stolen from Nigeria since independence. The
expense of such funds transformed the manufacturing, service industry
and competitive factors of Europe. It cost $2bn ($349bn in todays value)
to rebuild Japan after the nuclear attack. By conservative estimate,
our country has earned more than $600billion in the last five decades
and yet can only boast of a United Nations Human Development Index score
of .4 out of 1 proximate to that of Chad and maternal mortality rate
similar to that of Afghanistan! Nothing reveals the depth of our
failures than such performance indicators considering the vastly greater
possibilities that we have been bestowed.
Above all, and
finally, Citizens now seek to fully participation and make demands for
democratic accountability- they are not afraid to scrutinise all public
institutions and to demand better results of governance. The
unwillingness of any group of political elite to understand this
emerging power of the Office of the Citizen can only be a loss to the
former and yet another missed opportunity added to our canvass of
political tragedies……. But God forbid!
~ By Obiageli (Oby) Ezekwesili
Keynote Speaker
APC SUMMIT, Abuja- March 6th 2014.
