Thursday, May 2, 2013

Minister Fast Marks Conclusion of Investment Treaty with Nigeria


Honourable Ed Fast and meets Dr. Olusegun Aganga, Nigeria's Minister of Industry, Trade and Investment.

2 May 2013 00:12 Africa/Lagos

Minister Fast Marks Conclusion of Investment Treaty with Nigeria

OTTAWA, Canada, 1 May 2013 / PRNewswire Africa / - The Honourable Ed Fast, Minister of International Trade and Minister for the Asia-Pacific Gateway, meets with Olusegun Aganga, Nigeria's Minister of Industry, Trade and Investment, to mark the successful conclusion of negotiations toward a Canada-Nigeria foreign investment promotion and protection agreement (FIPA).
 The announcement was made earlier today by Prime Minister Stephen Harper and Nigeria's Vice-President, Mohammed Namadi Sambo, during a visit to Canada by Nigerian senior government officials and business delegates.

A FIPA is a treaty designed to protect and promote Canadian investment abroad through legally binding provisions, as well as to promote foreign investment in Canada. By ensuring greater protection against discriminatory and arbitrary practices, and by enhancing the predictability of a market's policy framework, a FIPA provides businesses with greater confidence to invest. Once implemented, the Canada-Nigeria FIPA will facilitate investment flows, contributing to job creation and economic growth in both countries.

 In January 2013, Minister Fast led a successful trade mission to Nigeria with nearly 30 companies and organizations from across Canada to open up new opportunities for Canadian investors and exporters. Since 2006, annual trade between the two countries has more than doubled, reaching $2.3 billion by 2012. Canadian direct investment in Nigeria totalled $36 million in 2011 and is expected to grow as a result of the FIPA.

SOURCE : Foreign Affairs and International Trade Canada



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Diezani Alison-Madueke's Petroleum Industry Bill Offers Hope for Nigeria's Oil and Gas Industry



1 May 2013 12:31 Africa/Lagos

Diezani Alison-Madueke's Petroleum Industry Bill Offers Hope for Nigeria's Oil and Gas Industry 

LAGOS, Nigeria, May 1, 2013 /PRNewswire/ --  The Petroleum Industry Bill aims to resolve some of the many issues that have affected Africa's largest oil producer and pave the way for future growth and investment. Growth in Africa's oil and gas industry has been accelerating in recent years. The continent's total production now accounts for around seven percent of world output. With the Gulf of Guinea's imminent deepwater activity, East Africa's emergence as a crude oil producer and the natural gas discoveries off the coasts of Tanzania and Mozambique, businesses, investors and governments are gearing up for a hydrocarbon boom that will involve not just large multinationals but smaller, indigenous firms as well. Even regions traditionally regarded as inaccessible are knocking on the door - recent discoveries in Somalia for example have resulted in an inward flow of much-needed investment.

Encouraging though these developments are for Africa's smaller economies, these nascent industries are dwarfed by the oil and gas sector of Nigeria. After more than 50 years of production, Nigeria - the tenth largest oil producer in the world - still has proven reserves of 37bn barrels, three times that of its nearest rival Angola. Its natural gas reserves are estimated to be in the region of 190tn cubic feet. The country produces up to 2.5m barrels per day of the sweet, light crude that fetches the highest prices on the world market.

But despite this untapped potential, Nigeria's active international oil companies (IOCs) have waited five years for a licensing round. Investment in new infrastructure and growth in output have stagnated while the Federal Government and state administrations debate what promises to be one of the boldest pieces of legislation in the sector's history: the Petroleum Industry Bill (PIB), drafted by the Petroleum Minister Diezani Alison-Madueke.

The PIB has several commendable aims. It seeks to introduce a new tax and royalty regime to increase the government's take and redistribute more of the spoils to ordinary Nigerians. It aims to rationalise what is a notoriously cumbersome legal framework and to clarify the fiscal terms on which a foreign player can acquire concessions from and partner with the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC), the state-owned corporation that controls large stakes in the country's major operations. It contains provisions for putting an expanded share of production into the hands of domestic firms. And it aims to improve the credibility of the NNPC, making it a commercially viable, profit-driven entity with greater independence from the government.

The history of Nigeria's oil industry dates back to the colonial era. Even before the official consolidation in 1914 of the territory's various states and ethnic groups, the Nigerian Bitumen Company and British Colonial Petroleum were exploring the Okitipupa region adjoining the Niger Delta. In 1938 the colonial administration granted the state-sponsored Shell (then Shell D'Arcy) complete monopoly over the exploration of all minerals and petroleum throughout the colony. Shell's hegemony lasted until the late 1950s when Mobil, Texaco and Gulf began to establish themselves. In 1956 Shell made the first successful drill at Oloibiri in the Eastern Niger Delta. Nigeria's first oil shipment followed two years later.

Exploration and production by foreign firms continued to expand after independence in 1960, and by the end of the decade total production had reached two million barrels per day. 1970 saw the first of the oil price hikes of the seventies, and in 1971 Nigeria joined the Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC). In 1977 the NNPC was established to oversee the development of the growing sector. After a slump in production figures during the eighties, the Joint Venture Operating Agreement (JOA) came into force in 1991, making clear provisions for the respective stakes of investing companies and the government. By 2004 several large majors including Royal Dutch Shell, Chevron, Exxon-Mobil, ENI, ConocoPhillips and Total were firmly established, and daily production hit a record level of 2.5m barrels.

Oil now accounts for 40 percent of Nigeria's GDP and yet the industry has faced persistent criticism for not distributing the gains more widely. A sense that ordinary people in the oil-producing regions have been left behind has led to periods of unrest, and for decades successive governments have come under attack for squandering the wealth at their disposal.

Compounding the issue, a chronic overreliance on upstream industry has hindered the development of domestic refining capacity, with the result that Nigeria is forced to import much of its fuel. Consumers have grown accustomed to being protected from this fundamental imbalance by generous state subsidies. President Goodluck Jonathan's recent attempt to lift them was met with fierce opposition and had to be partially reversed.

The PIB offers hope of a solution to many of these problems, and while it has gone through several iterations there are still many in the industry who remain upbeat about its potential as the catalyst for a new era of investment. Fresh capital is surely needed. Uncertainty about the tax regime and regulatory environment is blocking billions of dollars' worth of new exploration projects; the number of new wells being drilled each year has been steadily dwindling since 2005. The US, Nigeria's second largest trading partner after India, is switching to its own supply of cheap shale oil.

More encouraging signs are appearing closer to home. Indigenous production accounts for a mere five percent of Nigeria's total output, but dynamic firms such as the Lagos-based Seplat and the pan-African Oando are acquiring a growing number of concessions and are buying assets from the large IOCs. Technology is steadily improving, promising greater access to large offshore reserves.

Domestic operations are also on the rise in the downstream sector, where healthy competition is transforming the business landscape. Earlier this month, Dangote announced plans to invest $8bn in a new refinery with a capacity of 400,000 barrels per day. If other refining projects go ahead as planned, experts predict that Nigeria's refining capacity could top 800,000 barrels per day by 2017, meaning an end to the fiscal conundrum of expensive imports and an economy based on extractive industry.

But for now, the vast potential of Nigeria's fossil fuel reserves remains unrealised. The next licensing round, initially scheduled by Alison-Madueke for the first quarter of this year, has been postponed while her legislation is debated. Until it is passed, investors will simply watch and wait.

Source: African Business Review
CONTACT: Press Office +44-(0)-7929-565-349

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Wednesday, May 1, 2013

NPDC Responds To Petroleum Minister’s Alleged N59tr Oil Deal


 Honourable Minister of Petroleum Resources (HMPR), Mrs. Diezani Alison-Madueke.



The attention of the Nigerian Petroleum Development Company Limited (NPDC) a wholly owned subsidiary of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) has been drawn to publications in which five (5) alleged Oil Communities in Delta State led by Chief Emami Ayiri made spurious and unfounded allegations against the Honourable Minister of Petroleum Resources (HMPR), Mrs. Diezani Alison-Madueke. These allegations , which include the underlisted, are untrue:

1. Deliberate exclusion of indigenous rights to preemption and/ or first refusal on the four oil blocks

2. HMPR allegedly, quietly, improperly and illegally assigned 55% FGN interest to Atlantic Energy Drilling Concepts (AEDC);

3. There was no recourse to due process in the aforementioned transactions;

4. Selection of Atlantic Energy Drilling Concepts (AEDC) not through transparent process;

5. HMPR has pecuniary interest in Atlantic Energy Drilling Concepts (AEDC), hence her approval of the deal;

6. Nigeria would lose four trillion cubic feet of gas asset worth $15.72 trillion.


Allegation No. 1: Deliberate exclusion of indigenous rights to preemption and/ or first refusal on the four oil blocks 
 It is the Petitioner’s (Delta State Oil Producing Communities) contention that being an indigenous body, they have first right of refusal or preemptive right to what they perceive to be the Honorable Minister of Petroleum Resources’ (HMPR) assignment of 55% of the Federal Government of Nigeria’s (FGN) equity in OMLs 26, 30, 34 and 42 to Atlantic Energy Drilling Concepts (AEDC). The fact of the matter is that AEDC was NEVER assigned such equity. The 55% equity interest in those blocks were assigned to NPDC, which is our National Oil Company and is an exploration and production (E&P) subsidiary of NNPC.

In line with the governing provision regulating divestment or transfer of participatory interest in any oil block, the Honorable Minister after due consideration, approved the assignment of NNPC’s interest to NPDC.
Needless to say, the Honorable Minister’s action is within the scope of her statutory oversight responsibility and in essence for the greater benefit of the nation. We must also point out that NPDC, as a subsidiary of NNPC, is as indigenous as any community can claim to be and represents a much wider scope of indigenous rights than the Delta State Oil Producing Communities.

The allegation of deliberate exclusion of indigenous rights is in contrast with the established pro-indigenous position of the Minister as demonstrated in her administration of the Oil and Gas Sector.

Allegation No. 2: HMPR allegedly, quietly, improperly and illegally assigned 55% FGN interest to Atlantic Energy Drilling Concepts 
 At the risk of sounding repetitious, the basic fact of this matter is that International Oil Companies (IOCs), who are partners in the NNPC/SPDC JV, divested their 45% equity interest in the aforementioned OMLs to FHN, NECONDE, ND WESTERN & SHORELINE; whereupon, NNPC also assigned its 55% equity interest in those OMLs to the Nigerian Petroleum Development Company (NPDC), the National Oil Company, a wholly owned NNPC subsidiary.

Thereafter, NPDC entered into a Strategic Alliance Agreement with AEDC, in order to meet its critical funding obligations in the OMLs. These types of funding arrangements have been in existence since the late 1990s.

They are not new to the industry. It is therefore false to say that the FGN’s 55% equity interest and/or any FGN equity interest has been sold to AEDC. There was never such a sale.

 Allegation No. 3: There was no recourse to due process in the aforementioned transactions 
 As indicated earlier, there was never any sale of equity involved but merely a transaction between NNPC and its subsidiary, NPDC, in compliance with the provisions of the Joint Operating Agreement (JOA). The transaction at issue was not an acreage allocation exercise neither did it involve the issuance of a prospecting license. As in all previous funding arrangements such as Modified Carry Arrangements (MCA), Project Financing, etc; NNPC negotiates the most competitive financing terms for itself.

Allegation No. 4: Selection of Atlantic Energy Drilling Concepts not through transparent process 
 This statement is deliberately confusing the transaction undertaken by the Shell Petroleum Development Company (SPDC) Parties which sold their 45% equity interest to FHN, NECONDE, ND WESTERN & SHORELINE as against NNPC’s assignment of its 55% equity to NPDC. Neither NNPC nor its subsidiary NPDC is selling or has sold its equity interest in the four (4) OMLs. As such, there is no need for a bidding process as no government equity interest was sold to any third party, be it local or foreign.

 Allegation No. 5: HMPR has pecuniary interest in Atlantic Energy Drilling Concepts, hence her approval of the deal 
 As part of NNPC policy, a thorough background check was carried out on Atlantic Energy Drilling Concepts, and there is no evidence indicating that the Honourable Minister of Petroleum Resources has any direct or indirect pecuniary interest in the company. This allegation is therefore false, unfounded, and malicious and aimed at defaming the character of the person of the HMPR.

It is expected that in issues as profound as these, the Delta State Oil Producing Communities should undertake a thorough, incisive, comprehensive investigation before making spurious allegations that are intentionally meant to tarnish the image of the Honourable Minister.

Allegation No. 6: Nigeria would lose four trillion cubic feet of gas asset worth $15.72 trillion 
 The quoted reserves of 5 billion barrels corresponding to 60% of NPDC 55% equity is obviously a calculated attempt to mislead the National Assembly and indeed the people of Nigeria as the entire 100% equity of the 4 blocks is not up to 5 billion barrels.

Considering that the transaction at issue is not a sale of assets, it is inconceivable to arrive at any loss, not to mention the $15.72 trillion being propagated.

The revenue accruing from approximately 75% of the total reserves that is due to the Federal Government remains unchanged and has not been eroded. Royalty and tax accruable to the federation account will be paid based on production.

In conclusion, NPDC, as the National Oil Company and a flagship subsidiary of NNPC is always seeking to expand its opportunities in the upstream oil and gas sector. In pursuing this growth strategy, NPDC has adopted funding mechanisms to secure production capacity of 250,000 barrels per day by 2015.
This strategy is essential if the National Oil Company (NOC) is to be a major player in the upstream sector in Nigeria and provide National Energy Security for the Nation. A strong National Oil Company is sine qua non for National Security as practiced by all other oil producing countries.

The support of FGN in ensuring NPDC’s expanded operations by seeking additional asset base and funding outside the normal Government funded Joint Venture (JV) cash call, is therefore an imperative. It is interesting that the laudable actions of the Honourable Minister of Petroleum Resources who has consistently fought to support and grow the National Oil Company, NPDC, against competing interests is being parodied and vilified by certain groups.

These concerted actions have already yielded desired results as NPDC production has grown from 60,000 bbl/day to 138,000 bbl/day. Currently, NPDC is the major gas supplier to the domestic market in the western Niger Delta with over 450 mmscf/day which will further increase to over 550 mmscf/d by the end of 2013. We therefore urge all Nigerians to support the development of our own National Oil Company, to enable it compare with its peers (Petrobras, Saudi Aramco and Petronas) and to allow it compete favourably with other International Oil Companies (IOC).

The Delta State Oil Producing Communities and news media owe a duty to the nation to verify information before going public  

MANAGEMENT



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AfDB-Nigeria: Catalyzing Development and Transforming the Society


 30 Apr 2013 15:40 Africa/Lagos  

AfDB-Nigeria: Catalyzing Development and Transforming the Society

 TUNIS-BELVEDERE, Tunisia, 30 April 2013 / PRNewswire Africa / - For over four decades, the African Development Bank Group (AfDB) has been involved in Nigeria's development process. In assisting the country it has been employing a full range of sovereign and non-sovereign instruments including private public partnership (PPP). The Bank's Private Sector Department in particular has been playing active role in mobilizing other investors and leveraging third-party co-financing investments.

As AfDB unveils its 2013-2022 Ten Year Development Strategy, anchored on Africa's economic transformation, Nigeria's development agenda will continue to rank high for the Bank. Nigeria's infrastructure including power, transport and water supply will remain one of the key areas in which the AfDB and Nigeria will be collaborating for a common transformation goal. In this regard, the Bank's Country Strategy Paper (CSP) 2013-2017and Nigeria's Vision 2020 will provide a joint framework for collaboration.

The framework boldly embraces the future and will help reduce the country's development deficit at least on infrastructure side. A number of Bank funded infrastructure projects clearly advance Nigeria's aspirations to be among the top 20 economies in the world by the year 2020. While focusing on the aspirations the two vision documents will primarily contribute to Nigeria's achievement of the Millennium Development Goals, as well as enhance the country's development sustainability. Projects like the Lekki Toll Road, Lekki Deep sea Port, Nigeria-Benin Power Transmission, Cross River State Rural Access and Mobility projects, to name just these, are synchronized result-driven projects. They have a high dose capacity of unlocking new sources of growth for the country's structural economic transformation and inclusive growth. AfDB's core infrastructure projects in power, transport and even in water supply have traditionally played obvious catalytic roles in the past.

The ones hereby outlined will not be less effective as they are designed to align both the key pillars of the Bank's Ten Year Strategy and Nigeria's Vision 2020 goals.

SOURCE : African Development Bank (AfDB)

30 Apr 2013 01:57 Africa/Lagos  

AfDB-Nigeria: The AfDB reinforces its partnership with Plateau State

TUNIS-BELVEDERE, Tunisia, 29 April 2013 / PRNewswire Africa / - In a move to strengthen its relationships with its partners on the ground the African Development Bank (AfDB) Resident Representative, Ousmane Dore, paid a courtesy call on the Plateau State Governor, Jonah David Jang, on April 12, 2012 in Kuru. Discussions between Jang and Dore revolved around the development of Nigeria in general and the Plateau region in central Nigeria.

Dore provided an update of the ongoing Fadama Project in Plateau State, which is a follow-up to the successful implementation of the National Fadama Development Project (Fadama I) through 1993-1999. He also informed the Governor about the Board approval of the 2013-2017 Country Strategy Paper, which is built on two pillars: strengthening policy environment and development of critical infrastructure.

 The Governor, for his part, informed the Bank delegation that when he assumed duty in 2007, he developed a blueprint for the Plateau State which was tagged the 10-point agenda. This, he highlighted, focuses on peace-building, development of a Greater Jos master plan, revitalization of primary and secondary education, establishing the state as a hub for the export of agricultural products and development of critical manpower for the state amongst others. At the end of the visit, there was an agreement on the need for further consultation between the Bank and the state.

 The meeting followed a presentation delivered by Dore on banking and financial sector reforms in Africa at the Nigerian Institute of Policy and Strategic Studies. The institute serves as the most prestigious centre for reflection, research, policy dialogue and strategic studies in Nigeria.

 SOURCE : African Development Bank (AfDB)



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When Immunity Becomes A Licence To Break the Law



30 Apr 2013 02:05 Africa/Lagos

 WHEN IMMUNITY BECOMES A LICENCE TO BREAK THE LAW

 BERLIN, 29 April 2013 / PRNewswire Africa / - It is common practice that legal systems around the world protect senior government officials from prosecution by granting them political immunity. This is supposed to shield them from undue pressure. But immunity to the law has also allowed numerous politicians across the world to go unpunished for crimes big and small, including corruption. Immunity can lead to impunity.

The privilege of immunity sometimes gives the impression that politicians can do as they please, which can result in acts against the public good. If a government official is protected by immunity and accepts a bribe for a contract, they have little fear of the justice system, even if they are found out to be guilty. After getting away with it once, the instinct is to do it again and again until someone finally says ‘stop'. But all over the world, too few are saying ‘Let's stop impunity'. Transparency International is working at stopping people and corporations from getting away with criminal activity or bending the law in their own favour. We strongly believe that impunity triggers actions that lead to the abuse of public resources or the manipulation of laws for politicians' personal gain or for the benefit of the few. Political immunity, therefore, must always be justified.


THE ZAMBIAN EXPERIENCE

In Zambia, immunity appears to have played a role in the ongoing case of the former president Rupiah Banda. Banda is accused of misappropriating more than US$11 million during his three years in office. He has maintained his innocence on the charge. When investigators summoned him for questioning in February, Banda still enjoyed immunity from prosecution and refused to appear. Parliament subsequently voted unanimously to lift his immunity and on 23 March he was formally charged. Since Banda left office in 2011, a few officials from his government have been convicted in high-profile corruption probes into deals struck during his time in office, and prosecutors are continuing to investigate suspected shortfalls in state revenues from copper mining. Zambia is Africa's top copper producer. Transparency International Zambia has consistently spoken out strongly against President Banda allowing his cabinet ministers to act unethically and with impunity. In 2010 our chapter said Banda and his government needed to be reminded that they were elected to exercise proper leadership.  


CONTROVERSIAL CRONYISM

In Nigeria friendship with the president has created immunity for one lucky convicted criminal.
The government recently pardoned a key ally of President Goodluck Jonathan who was convicted of stealing millions of dollars. Ex-Bayelsa state Governor Diepreye Alamieyeseigha was pardoned because he had been "remorseful", presidential adviser Doyin Okupe said. In this case Alamieyeseigha was not protected by an immunity law but rather by knowing the right people in high places. That association gave him virtual immunity.
  “This decision undermines anti-corruption efforts in Nigeria and encourages impunity. If the government is
serious about uprooting public corruption, sanctions against those who betray the public trust should be strengthened, not relaxed,” says Akere Muna, vice-chair of Transparency International.

Alamieyeseigha was released in 2007, two days after receiving a two-year sentence. The decision was taken because he had already served two years in prison ahead of the trial. He was first arrested in the UK in 2005 on money laundering charges, but jumped bail. Immunity can lead individuals to take advantage of entrusted power for personal gain – our definition of corruption. That's why we believe transparency, accountability and integrity should be key pillars of any government.  

SOURCE : Transparency International



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UN To Launch Mobile Phone App for Mass Literacy in Nigeria


 UNESCO leads the way in mobile telephone learning. Photo: UNESCO.

1 May 2013 01:57 Africa/Lagos

 UN TO LAUNCH MOBILE PHONE INITIATIVE TO HELP TEACHERS IMPROVE ENGLISH LANGUAGE SKILLS IN NIGERIA 


NEW YORK, 30 April 2013 / PRNewswire Africa / - The United Nations educational agency today said it is ready to launch a pilot project combining mobile technology and teachers' development to support primary school English teachers in Nigeria, which has one of the highest illiteracy rates in the world.

In a statement issued in Paris, the UN Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) said “English Teacher” is one of the first attempts to employ mobile technology to improve tools for primary school teachers. “Our aim from the beginning was to develop a service that teachers working in difficult conditions and without a great deal of support could access quickly,” said Steven Vosloo, the project coordinator for UNESCO.

“Mobile technology is a promising avenue and, in some instances, the only option in terms of technology.” Available to anyone in Nigeria, were nearly all the population is connected to a mobile network, the service sends teachers educational content and messages with pedagogical advice once a day. UNESCO said the system could reach tens of thousands of teachers across the country.

The project runs 72-weeks from the time the subscriber enlists in the free membership, and content is divided into one or two week periods with links to outside resources. Organized in partnership with the conglomerate Nokia and supported by the British Council and the National Teachers' Institute of Nigeria, the project will be introduced to teachers from almost 50 different schools in the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) of Nigeria on 2 and 3 May.

 “We're in Nigeria because this is where we are most urgently needed. While it would be nice to offer in-person training to teachers, there are 575,000 primary school teachers in the country and more are needed to achieve universal primary education,” said Mark West, a UNESCO project officer involved in the training in Abuja.

Some 42 per cent, or roughly 10.5 million primary age children in Nigeria, are out-of-school, and those girls and boys who do attend are struggling to learn basic literacy and numeracy, UNESCO said.

“The rapid uptake of mobile technology in Africa has made it realistic to reach teachers who were, practically speaking, unreachable just a few years ago. It is exciting work, and we hope the project provides a model others borrow, emulate and improve upon,” Mr. West added.

 Initiatives promoting mobile learning have already been spearheaded across a wide range of countries – including Mozambique, Pakistan, South Africa, Niger, Kenya, and Mongolia – where policies have already provided access to distance education in far-flung communities and improved literacy among girls and women.

SOURCE : UN News Centre



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Monday, April 29, 2013

Nollywood Mirror To Be Launched in May



NOLLYWOOD MIRROR, a new quarterly publication that will showcase Nollywood, the largest film industry in Africa is launching in May, 2013.

 The maiden edition is a special focus on the 9th Africa Movie Academy Awards (AMAA) held on Saturday April 20, 2013, in Yenagoa, Bayelsa State.
 It is loaded with features and pictures on Nollywood, recognizing those who have been supporting the fastest growing film industry in the world, including Prince Tonye Princewill who has been supporting the productions of movies like Kajola and Figurine, Bank of Industry's funding of the film adaptation of Half of A Yellow Sun, the historical fiction on Biafra by best selling author Chimamanda Ngozi-Adichie and Film House cinemas and how much Mnet's Africa Magic has done to make Nollywood movies popular on cable TV in Africa.

The cover shows the AMAA symbol and Kenneth Gyang, the Nigerian director whose debut feature Confusion Na Wa won the highly coveted awards for Best Nigerian Film and Best Film.

Nollywood Mirror will be published in paperback, hardcover and e-copy versions for global distribution. The paperback sells for only $10 per copy, the hardcover is $30 per copy and the e-copy is only $5 per copy. Local and international distributors should contact the publishers, International Digital Post Network Limited by email only. E-mail: publisher@nigeriansreport.com

Note that Nollywood Mirror will be the first Nigerian magazine to be published in paperback, hardcover and digital versions and the most circulated with a guaranteed target audience of 10 million members of Amazon Prime who will have access to read it free on Amazon.com and will definitely attract millions of Nigerians and other nationals in the world who watch Nollywood movies and are followers of Nollywood.
Nollywood Mirror is indeed Nollywood reloaded.
With my best regards,
Ekenyerengozi Michael Chima
Publisher/Editor
Nigerians Report Online
Nollywood Mirror
Founder/Festival Director
Eko International Film Festival
Founder/CEO
Screen Outdoor Open Air Cinema
Screen Naija One Village, One Cinema Project
A member of the Projection Foundation

 

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The Single Cause and the Single Solution To the Nigerian Crisis



Many articles, essays, letters, books, audio and video tapes have been produced and published on the Nigerian crisis since 1960 to date. And the debate will continue, but ironically these publications have failed to help us and even made things worse. From the great Chinua Achebe's The Trouble With Nigeria to my own In the House of Dogs and other down to earth analyses of the various socioeconomic and sociopolitical crises plaguing Nigeria, answers to our problems have been given. But both the leaders or rulers and their followers have ignored them. And their ignorance is their own choice to do as they wish. The single cause of the corruption and violence destroying lives and properties since 1960 to date is DISOBEDIENCE. Disobedience to God by both the so called Christians and Muslims in Nigeria who are just hypocrites and pretenders whose conceit and deceit betray their sacred beliefs. They have disobeyed God in their choices and the terrible consequences have left the country in ruins.


President Goodluck Jonathan is overwhelmed by the Nigerian crisis.

If you love your neighbour as yourself as God commanded: Would you compete with him or her over money and power? Would you cheat or steal from him or her? Would you ra-pe his wife or daughter? Would you sleep with a married man or married woman to break up a home and jeopardize the future of their children? Would you misappropriate the revenue allocations meant for all? Would you make and sell fake foods and drugs to him or her? Would you drive against traffic rules just in lust to beat others? Would you refuse to treat him or her, because he or she had no money to pay in emergencies? Would you rig elections and pay thugs to attack him or her your desperation for political power? Would you in your greed allocate millions of naira to yourself as monthly salaries just to sit and debate in the upper and lower houses pretending to serve their interests, but you are only more of a robber than a lawmaker? Would you as Mr. President pretend to fear God as you kneel before Daddy GO at Redemption Camp and then later go and give billions of naira to cultists and ritualistic brigands claiming to be Niger Delta freedom fighters, but God knows they are idol worshipers? And you continue to rob Peter to pay Paul in Aso Villa. You hunt for Ibori, but you dine and wine with your ex-boss DSP Alams? And you think you can fool God?  

 
President Goodluck Jonathan should know that granting Amnesty to militants and terrorists will not end the political violence in Nigeria.

 The list of what we do wrong is too long, but the single solution is just one single word, OBEDIENCE. Until we obey GOD, we will never know peace in Nigeria and misappropriating billions of public funds in the camouflage of Amnesty will not stop the violence. Only our obedience to the command of God will end the violence in Nigeria.


~ By Orikinla Osinachi.


 

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Saturday, April 27, 2013

Have You Seen Her?





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Human Rights and Democracy Report 2012 case study - Egypt


Reuters/Reuters - An Egyptian Salafi Muslim man holds a poster of Egypt's President Mohamed Mursi which reads "Renaissance" during a protest in front of Abdeen Presidential Palace in downtown Cairo March 1, 2013. REUTERS/Amr Abdallah Dalsh.

26 Apr 2013 03:04 Africa/Lagos

Human Rights and Democracy Report 2012 case study - Egypt


LONDON, 24 April 2013 / PRNewswire Africa / - The FCO's Human Rights and Democracy Report 2012 covers a number of changes in the human rights situation in Egypt.  

Egypt - post-revolution

In 2011, we concluded that our key concerns were freedom of expression; freedom of association; mistreatment of religious minorities, protesters, journalists and human rights defenders; increased use of military trials for civilians; and allegations of inhuman or degrading treatment at the hands of the security services. Over the course of 2012, there have been a number of improvements in the human rights situation in Egypt. Most significantly, handover of power from the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) to a democratically elected president took place in June and there is now greater space for public debate. Parliamentary elections are scheduled to begin on 27 April 2013.

However, issues of concern remain. Foremost of these are women's rights, freedom of religion and freedom of expression. Women, who played a key role in the revolution, have seen little improvement in their rights. We remain concerned about reports of increasingly violent sexual assault and treatment of women, and we have raised this with the Egyptian government. The transition period has also seen continued sectarian violence.

The Prime Minister raised the protection of religious minorities during his meeting with President Mursi on 26 September. Through project funds, we have supported a project to create a partnership between mainstream Muslim and Christian groups to train mixed teams in conflict resolution and mediation skills. The new constitution agreed by referendum in December lacks clarity on certain human rights elements. While it gives Muslims, Christians and Jews the right to practise their religion, it does not give the same freedom to other religions and minority sects. More positively, there is now greater space for public debate in Egyptian society since the fall of Mubarak.
 
We note that during the protests over the draft constitution at the end of 2012, the police initially acted with more restraint than previously and the army made clear that they would not intervene. But we are concerned about limits on freedom of expression in Egypt, including the increase in prosecutions of bloggers and activists, closing of satellite television stations, and lack of clarity on the definition of blasphemy, which is illegal under the new constitution.
 
 We are also concerned about ongoing harassment and intimidation of trade union officials as well as the article in the new constitution which prohibits more than one trade union per profession. Trade unions have an important role to play in developing a healthy democracy. Through the joint-funded FCO–DFID Arab Partnership Fund, we are supporting a project to assist Egypt's trade unions to develop and promote economic and social policy recommendations.

 Elections

Elections are crucial to the democratic process and to delivering long-term, stable democratic outcomes. Support for good electoral process and practice is therefore central to the FCO's policy on democracy. We provide this largely by giving financial, technical and personnel support to election observation missions and democratic institutions to promote the peaceful transition of power and minimise opportunities for fraud. In this we work closely with DFID, led by a joint policy on election assistance.

In 2011–12 DFID provided support to four countries to help them hold freer and fairer elections (Tanzania, Nigeria, Zambia and Yemen). Much of our election observation support is done through international organisations, in particular the EU, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) and the Commonwealth. These organisations' election observation missions consider the strengths and weaknesses of an electoral process and make independent recommendations for improvements.

In 2012, the EU observed elections in Senegal, Algeria, Sierra Leone, Libya and Timor-Leste, helping to achieve largely peaceful and successful elections in each case. The FCO supported UK observers for OSCE election observation missions in Kazakhstan, Russia, Armenia, Belarus, Georgia, Serbia, Montenegro, Ukraine and the USA. As part of discussions to modernise the Commonwealth which took place throughout 2012, Commonwealth Heads of Government agreed that election observation was an area where the Commonwealth adds significant value and concluded that this work should be strengthened.
 
 In 2012, the Commonwealth observed elections in Papua New Guinea, Sierra Leone, Lesotho and Ghana. The UK, through the FCO and DFID, provided approximately £7 million in support of the Ghanaian elections. This included a training programme for 16,000 police and other service personnel on electoral procedures to ensure, for example, impartial conduct at polling stations. The elections were peaceful and deemed by the observers to be free, fair and transparent. Domestic election observers also play an important role in monitoring the conduct of elections. For instance, in Libya, the Arab Partnership Fund supported training of nearly 900 local election observers, including women and former revolutionary fighters, for Libya's July 2012 elections, the first to be held after the fall of Muammar Qadhafi and the first in the country in 47 years.

The UK also helped set up an Observer Control Centre to provide observer groups with a central office in which comments and observations could be coordinated. The observers were able to report on an election which, despite some security incidents, they determined was fair overall, and in which the majority of Libyans were able to vote without intimidation. A key pillar of the FCO's and DFID's joint policy on election support involves offering long-term engagement between elections, as well as during them, with those whose effective participation is essential for a peaceful democratic result, including parliamentarians, electoral bodies, the judiciary, political parties, the media and civil society.

Our response to the elections in Egypt, where the UK is committed to supporting the process of political transition, was an example of this approach being put into practice. Egypt went to the polls on three separate occasions in 2012: a parliamentary election in January, a presidential election in May and a referendum on the new constitution in December. Through the FCO Arab Partnership Fund, we provided early financial and public support to the Carter Center monitoring mission, one of the few international organizations allowed to observe the elections in May.

We were also the only donor to fund the observation of the December referendum by the Electoral Institute for Sustainable Democracy in Africa, the single independent observer. Embassy staff observed at polling stations when permitted by the authorities. All three elections passed peacefully and without significant allegations of irregularity. We are now working to support media training in Egypt to facilitate impartial electoral coverage and to provide peer support to nascent political parties and parliamentarians, in particular female candidates. We will continue to promote a free and open political system in Egypt by providing support for a credible and impartial assessment of the presidential elections and constitutional referendum. In 2013, the UK will continue to support electoral processes both bilaterally and through our work with international organisations.

SOURCE : UK Foreign & Commonwealth Office



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