What is Going On in Africa Today?

Africa / Background Briefing

WASHINGTON, August 6, 2012/African Press Organization (APO)/ -- Special Briefing

Senior Official

Intercontinental Hotel

Nairobi, Kenya

August 4, 2012


MODERATOR: All right, everybody. Great to be back with you. We are in Nairobi, Kenya. Here to give us a readout on the meetings with the Kenyans and also with the Somali TFG is [Senior State Department Official].

SENIOR STATE DEPARTMENT OFFICIAL: [Moderator], thank you very much. Let me start by saying a little bit more about the great success that has been achieved in the last 48 hours as a result of the governments of South Sudan and Sudan achieving oil agreement.

The Secretary went to Juba in order to use her diplomatic influence and credibility to strongly encourage President Salva Kiir and the leadership of the South Sudan Government to embrace an acceptable and reasonable agreement that would bring to an end one of the most difficult and thorny issues left unresolved prior to that government's independence from Sudan. She achieved that.

And it should be seen as her achievement; it should be seen as a major diplomatic success. This is – the issue of oil revenues has been one that has deeply divided South Sudan and Sudan since independence and was one of the issues unresolved in the Comprehensive Peace Agreement.

All of you know that when South Sudan achieved its independence, it, in effect, took somewhere between 75 and 80 percent of all of the oil revenues that were formerly going to the Government of Khartoum. And this was a whole – I should say 75 to 80 percent of all the oil that was being produced in Sudan. This meant an enormously large loss for the Government in Khartoum. As a result of the lack of an agreement here, there were ongoing political tensions, sequestration, illegally, of oil, and finally a decision on the part of the South not to ship any further oil through the North.

When that happened, it, in effect, closed down 98 percent of the foreign exchange of the new Government of South Sudan. And after the fighting in Heglig, the destruction of the oil wells there probably shut in the 50 or 60 percent of the remaining oil that South Sudan had in its territory. Both of these countries were in a downward economic spiral that was accelerating at a rapid pace that would have led them into major economic destruction. Ninety-eight percent of the revenues of South Sudan lost 95 percent of their budget – lost. And from all indications from the World Bank, from the IMF, and from independent economic analysis that we've done, would've shown that the South would have probably run out of foreign exchange sometime between the end of August and the first of October. Others say they might have been able to last up until December of this year or January, but this was a major disaster waiting for a new government.

In the North, you can see what was also happening. For the first time probably in a decade, we were seeing on the streets of Khartoum daily an increasingly vocal and violent demonstrations against the government. We saw a large rise in inflation; we saw spiraling high fuel prices and fuel shortages and higher food costs in the North, demonstrating that they were in economic trouble as well.

So what the Secretary was able to do by convincing Salva Kiir and key members of his cabinet who were with him, was to bring an end to one of the five contentious points that divided those two countries. We are hopeful that this agreement will signal the beginning of a new era in goodwill that may translate into being able to resolve some of the other issues that remain. But it certainly helps to remove the issue that was most worrying to us, and that was looking at economic collapse in the South and looking at increasingly difficult economic problems in the North. We did not want to see that happen.

So we congratulate Salva Kiir, and we congratulate the Government of Sudan for acting wisely in this. And again, we have to acknowledge that the Secretary who, in going to Juba, was in fact a wise, and in this case, prescient diplomatic move that has made significant contributions to bringing these countries a little closer together, where they had, in fact, been drifting widely apart.

Let me stop right there on that little segment and say a little bit about the trip here. The trip here to Kenya is just as profoundly and significantly important as the stop in Juba. And the Secretary's diplomatic efforts here, quite frankly, have been focused on trying to ensure that the forthcoming presidential elections here – scheduled for March 4th, 2013 – do not end up the way Kenya's last presidential and parliamentary elections ended in December of 2007, where those elections were close, highly contested, and resulted in nearly three months of widespread violence, bloodshed, and retribution. We saw Kenya nearly split in two in February and March of 2008. And if it were not for the diplomacy of former UN Secretary General Kofi Annan, this country could've easily slipped over the precipice.

The Secretary in coming here was intent on meeting all of the political forces in the country – the members of the coalition government, led by President Mwai Kibaki and Prime Minister Raila Odinga – to encourage them to support free, fair, transparent, and peaceful elections, to speak out and use their voices against those who would promote ethnic and tribal divisions, those who would promote hate speech, and those who would undermine the process of having transparent and credible elections.

In her conversations with President Kibaki and members of the Cabinet, including the Vice President Musyoka, she made this a clear point: Kenya must have good elections. The consequences of not doing so are both political and undermining the country's democracy – they can be violent and destabilizing for the citizenry of this country. And it also can undermine the country's economy. Not too many people realize that in '07 and '08, as a result of the violence, this country lost $1 billion in revenue. The number of tourists coming into the country over the next 18 months dropped precipitously. The amount of new investment coming into the country also dropped, and the GDP of the country collapsed from some 7.5 percent down to under 3 percent. All of this was as result of those elections.

So in those conversations with President Mwai Kibaki and Vice President Musyoka and then later with Prime Minister Raila Odinga, making the points that it was important to complete the reforms which came out of the Kofi Annan political and diplomatic exercise, to have elections that were similar to the referendum on the new constitution; to complete the reform process and to implement it; and to support the integrity of Kenya's independent electoral commission.

The Secretary also during the day met with the Chief Justice of the High Court – Doctor Willy Mutunga who is probably one of this country's leading jurists and lawyers – and he heads that part of the reform process, which has gone tremendously well. The judiciary has been reformed, and they have, under the new Chief Justice, one of this country's best lawyers and a person who is known for his credibility and his integrity.

The Secretary wanted to demonstrate our support for the independence of the judiciary and wanted to encourage him to use the court to defend the constitution and the rights that people have under the constitution and not to allow impunity to reign either in political excesses or in business and commercial activities. So it was a clear signal that we believe that the court here I probably the strongest element of this country's current democracy, and she wanted to give support to that court.

The Secretary also met with the chairman of the election commission along with its executive director and one of its members as well as members of civil society. And in that meeting, she was able to hear the concerns of the election commission, and also to hear the concerns of the Kenyan civil society as well. The Secretary wanted to again impress upon the election commission the need to run a process, which is free, fair, transparent, and credible. And we heard some very, very good things from the election commission and from civil society about the integrity of the election commission.

The message that we want to hear is that the politicians should not try to undermine the integrity of the independent election commission, that the election commission should be outside politics, and that it should not – in its activities, should not be politicized.

The election commission is doing some things, which they hope will prevent a repeat of '07 and '08. They will allow a parallel vote count from civil society groups. They will have an electronic posting results from each of the constituencies, and when those results are posted to the election commission here in Nairobi, they will be simultaneously given to the media of this country, which will have stations at the election commission to be able to have those results as well. And they will also allow these reports, these election reports results as they come in, to be given to a number of NGOs so that the public will have the same information that the election commission is having from each of its polling places at the same time, so there can be no data manipulation.

These are all very positive things. We are encouraging the election commission to go out and do more in terms of civic education and voter education, and we're encouraging them to have as transparent a voter registration process as possible. Some of you may recall that in the 2007 elections, those elections didn't end in disaster because of the vote counting in the various constituencies, it ended badly because of a lack of transparency when the numbers actually arrived in Nairobi to the old and now disbanded election commission. There's a new election commission. It's independent, has an independent budget, broad set of new members, and we want to give encouragement to that commission to maintain its independence, to remain outside of politics, and also to say to the political politicians, don't try to influence or undermine the work of the election commission. But again, it's a mission here on the part of the Secretary to help stave off a process, which would lead to a repeat of '07 and '08.

Finally, the Secretary had a meeting with the key signatories of the roadmap, leading to the end of the Transitional Federal Government in Somalia. That roadmap calls for a new constitution; a constituent assembly to approve that constitution; a constituent assembly to select, indirectly, 275 members of parliament, which would make the parliament half the size as it currently is today; and then the selection by direct election of a new speaker of parliament, and then the indirect election of a new president.

All of that is to culminate on August 20th. We have been heavily invested in making sure that this roadmap is completed. The Secretary participated on February 23 in a conference in London hosted by Prime Minister David Cameron on Somalia, and we have pushed the TFG very hard to complete this roadmap on time on the 20th. A lot has been done. A constituent assembly has been convened; a new constitution has been written and adopted unanimously. The constituent assembly is now in the process of selecting members of parliament. Those members of parliament will select – will elect a new speaker, and the members of parliament then will select a new president.

We think that we're optimistic and think that this will be accomplished by the 20th. If it is, it will be a significant step forward in helping to end two decades worth of civil strife and unrest in South Central Somalia. The Secretary met with President Sheikh Sharif here in Nairobi at our embassy in August of 2009 -- he had only been President for approximately five months at that time. We made a significant political judgment to work as hard as we could to ensure that the transition would end at this period and that a new constitution and a new government would be put in place. Three years of diplomacy in this area looks like it is taking off, and that diplomacy has also been aided quite significantly on the ground by the AMISOM peace force that is here.

We have been significant contributors to the AMISOM effort. And three years ago in August, the TFG controlled probably one to two square miles of Mogadishu. We all know today that AMISOM has effectively defeated and driven al-Shabaab out of all of Mogadishu. They have taken significant parts of the country back to the North. They are en route to moving against Merca, Kismayo. And we have an AMISOM force of some 17,000 people on the ground, all-African contingent, and they have had enormous military and security success.

Again, it's been a part of our policy effort to stabilize Somalia, move both the security and the political process forward. Approximately three and a half weeks ago (inaudible) went into Mogadishu for the first time an assistant secretary had been there in two decades, the first time since Black Hawk Down that a senior State Department officer had been on the ground in Mogadishu. That testifies to what is, in fact, happening there. We have seen enormous change as a result of our policy of pushing for political reform and greater security on the ground.

So we, again, wanted to reinforce. The Secretary took this opportunity to say we're two weeks away from the 20th, we've got only three major things to do – new parliament, new speaker, new president – and we will have achieved a great deal in advancing the political agenda there. It will close a chapter and open a new one, but we will have seen quite substantial changes on the ground, which, in fact, will result, we believe, in a major policy success.

I'll stop right there.

QUESTION: Is there anything really standing in the way of that at this point, of (inaudible)?

SENIOR STATE DEPARTMENT OFFICIAL: No. But the Secretary wanted to reinforce the need for everyone to remain focused and to remind them of what she said in London on February 23rd. We will be looking for spoilers, and if there are any spoilers, we will take action against them bilaterally, and we will encourage the international community to take action against them on a multilateral basis.

Thus far, we have not seen those spoilers. Thus far, we have seen cooperation from all of the key players in South Central, including the leadership in Galmudug and the leadership in Puntland. They've all played responsible and thoughtful roles. But it's still two weeks out; it's still Somalia. If, in fact, we're able to get a government in place there, it will probably be the first time in 22 years that we've seen this. And so it marks a very significant step forward.

Again, a lot has happened. The British have reopened an office in – an embassy office in Mogadishu. The Italians have reopened an office there. The Turks have reestablished and have an embassy and an ambassador on the ground there. These are all indications of the enormous progress that has been made. That's also an indication of the enormous amount of solidarity and cooperation among key states working with IGAD, the states in the region, and key players in the international community to push this forward.

MODERATOR: If I may, [Senior State Department Official], she also stressed that it doesn't all end on August 20th, that they – the current members of the Transitional Government – have a responsibility to ensure that the new leader should stand up. And then they talked also quite a bit about what Somalia is going to need in the next stage as it moves towards self-sustaining security, increasingly we hope. But that's going to take a lot of help from the international community.

SENIOR STATE DEPARTMENT OFFICIAL: Absolutely. We also recognize that AMISOM can't do it all and that as AMISOM continues to expand the liberated spaces throughout South Central Somalia, it puts an enormous amount of responsibility on the new government after August 20th to begin to stand up a Somali security force that is responsive to and subservient to civilian authority, but is disciplined and is able and capable of providing security in areas where AMISOM is not operating, but equally a responsibility on the part of the government to provide services as well as security to its citizens. Reopening schools, reopening health clinics, helping to revive agriculture and livestock rearing, putting in wells, doing microfinance and microcredit projects – these are all very important elements that are going to be a part of the next stage. And those are just as important going forward as the progress that we've made over the last three years.

QUESTION: Was there anything specific that the Secretary told President Kiir in terms of – I mean, the “carry a stick” metaphor is used a lot in Sudan, but was there any sticks that were used, maybe in terms of the deadline or (inaudible) strike a deal or these consequences --

SENIOR STATE DEPARTMENT OFFICIAL: The Secretary did not threaten Salva Kiir. She pointed out the enormous advantages of moving ahead, preventing a further economic decline and deterioration, and noted, as she did in one of her press conferences, that a percentage of something is better than a percentage of nothing. And right now, the South, without the oil, had nothing. They'd lost 98 percent of their revenue. Their foreign exchange is dwindling rapidly. They've had to cut their budget by some 35 percent. They are having to reduce significantly money going into education, into healthcare, into construction of new roads, and infrastructure.

And so the Secretary did point out very clearly that the prospects of the situation getting worse economically were very, very apparent. But she also said to President Salva Kiir and his leaders that the global economic community, which has helped South Sudan over the last several years with large infusions of money, is going through a tough time itself and that it could not expect an international bailout of the type that would be needed to be able to provide for all of the lost revenue and assistance that it was losing as a result of the oil shortages.

But again, it was an appeal to Salva Kiir to look at the consequences of this continuing to drag out and saying that he had a responsibility to his people, and he also had an obligation and responsibility to listen to those who have been most supportive of the SPLM and their right to self-determination over the last several years.

QUESTION: The fact that this deal mean – or does it – will it open the door to any sort of new or adjusted U.S. approach to Khartoum? I mean, (inaudible) that Sudan feels very hard (inaudible) about it. They didn't get the material benefits out of the deal that they thought they would out of the sort of allowing the succession to happen. Do you now see them being more cooperative, or have you offered them any new incentives to make them more cooperative that might resolve some of these broader tensions?

SENIOR STATE DEPARTMENT OFFICIAL: We did not offer any incentives to the Government of Khartoum to strike this deal. We focused our efforts mainly on the South. But we have and continue to recognize the significance to both states of ending the political tensions that exist. It is in Khartoum's interest, as much as it is in the interest of the Republic of South Sudan, to end the political tensions that have existed since independence on July 9.

We want, as a matter of policy, to see two states living peacefully and amicably next to one another. And we also recognize that the security and stability of South Sudan has an impact on the security and stability of Sudan and vice versa. When one is suffering, the other is also likely to suffer as well. So it's in their interest to make peace, to end the disagreement over borders, to end the political stalemate over Abyei, to resolve the issue of citizenship. And it's really in the interest of the Government of Sudan to open up international access corridors for humanitarian assistance into the Blue Nile and Southern Kordofan region. And it's in the interest of Sudan to establish and open a political dialogue with the leadership of the SPLM-North, both in Blue Nile and Southern Kordofan. This is in their interest.

And finally, the United States has said over and over again that our desire is to have good, normalized relations with both the government in Juba as well as the government in Khartoum. And Khartoum can in fact do things that will help speed the process of improved relations. We have made, over the last two years, a number of overtures. They have to do things as well, and we will respond.

QUESTION: Did the Secretary take up the issue and allegations from Khartoum that South Sudan has sponsored rebels and – on their side of the border? And might it further the discussions between the two if the United States could get – and somehow resolve (inaudible)?

SENIOR STATE DEPARTMENT OFFICIAL: The Secretary discussed a whole range of issues with Salva Kiir, but the most important issue that she brought up was the need to resolve the oil issue. But in our ongoing discussions, including the ones that have recently taken place, but especially those between Ambassador Princeton Lyman, who's just been in the region himself, we have told the Government of Sudan and the Government of South Sudan that they should stop all support to proxies operating against one another, that it is not in their interest to do so. We have said to Khartoum, don't support proxies working against the Government of South Sudan; and we have told the Government of South Sudan, on more than one occasion, that they cannot and they should not support, directly or indirectly, proxies working against the Government of Sudan.

The issue did come up. The Secretary addressed it and encouraged there be an effort to resolve these kinds of issues. I'll say that Salva Kiir did tell the Secretary that he wanted to be helpful to the government in Khartoum in helping them deal with the political issues in South Kordofan and Blue Nile and that he recognized the importance of having a stable and peaceful neighbor next to him.

QUESTION: Did he make any assertions one way or the other about whether he had supported --

SENIOR STATE DEPARTMENT OFFICIAL: I won't – you've seen most of the public statements, and most of their public statements reflect and mirror the things that they say diplomatically.

QUESTION: Can I just –

MODERATOR: Let's do two more. We're going to have to rush.

SENIOR STATE DEPARTMENT OFFICIAL: Yes. I need to --

QUESTION: The (inaudible)?

SENIOR STATE DEPARTMENT OFFICIAL: This is my lunch. I'm drinking my lunch here. (Laughter.)

MODERATOR: For the record, it's a Coca-Cola.

SENIOR STATE DEPARTMENT OFFICIAL: Yes. My lunch, my Coca-Cola. (Laughter.)

MODERATOR: One more here and then --

SENIOR STATE DEPARTMENT OFFICIAL: And it's not even a diet Coke.

MODERATOR: Go ahead.

QUESTION: They predicted starting the oil again will take like six months and you said government shuts without oil by end of October. So now that a deal --

SENIOR STATE DEPARTMENT OFFICIAL: No. I didn't say – I said they would run out of foreign exchange.

QUESTION: Okay.

SENIOR STATE DEPARTMENT OFFICIAL: Foreign exchange.

QUESTION: But given that --

SENIOR STATE DEPARTMENT OFFICIAL: I think they've been very – I think – let me just say, I think people have a very clear understanding of how long it will take to restart some of the oil fields. I'm told that in some instances, it's only a matter of weeks. In some, it is a matter of months. And in some, it may be close to a year or more.

QUESTION: Yes, sir. I just have a general question on the meaning of the trip in Africa. And it's similar to a question, which has been asked by Matt on the plane: What do you have in mind in Africa? Do you have China and India in mind (inaudible) different way of doing business in being more open and transparent? And you have made – you have been forward (inaudible), France and Britain, and Italy, in France, in democracy, the end of patronage and your partnership?

SENIOR STATE DEPARTMENT OFFICIAL: The Secretary is here to promote and advance a U.S. partnership strategy and agenda for Washington. The Secretary is – for the United States Government. The Secretary is here to underscore the new U.S. strategy for Africa, which was published in June, and that strategy is quite clear. It has four pillars in it.

The first pillar is clearly to help strengthen democratic institutions and respect for the rule of law across and around Africa. That reflects U.S. values, U.S. policy. The second one, which is quite important, is to help to spur market-oriented economic growth across Africa through trade, through commercial activities, and new investment. And that, too, reflects our U.S. interest and strategy. And thirdly, we're interested in helping to promote peace and stability, as we are doing in Sudan and Somalia. And finally, we're promoting the Administration's economic development agenda, our Feed the Future program, our MCC program, our Global Health program, our extension of PEPFAR. And these are American principles, American values, and this is what the Secretary is out there doing.

People will say that they contrast with things that others do, but that is a reality. Our reality is is that we've got an agenda. We think it is a positive agenda. And it's an agenda of partnership, mutual respect, mutual responsibility, and one that reflects where we are in the United States. If people want to contrast that, they can, but we are promoting American principles and American policy and American agenda, which is, as I say, based on partnership, mutual respect, mutual responsibility, and trying to do everything that we can to make Africa a more inclusive partner in the global community.

QUESTION: Can you say one quick thing about Malawi tomorrow? What's the --

SENIOR STATE DEPARTMENT OFFICIAL: Again, a part – again, it's a part of that pillar one, just as in Senegal with President Macky Sall, the Secretary will be applauding the smooth, democratic transition that has resulted in the second African woman becoming a president of a democratic state. The Secretary wants to underscore the democratic transition, the peaceful democratic transition, that occurred there, recognize the significance of President Joyce Banda as the second female president, and to underscore our support for a very large MCC program of $350 million, our support for the Global Health Initiative and PEPFAR program that we are supporting there, and to continue to encourage the democratization that is moving across Africa.

MODERATOR: Thanks, everybody. Thanks.


Source: US Department of State


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3 Aug 2012 02:08 Africa/Lagos

Mozambican Journalist Sentenced in Criminal Libel Case

NEW YORK, August 3, 2012/African Press Organization (APO)/ -- An appeals court in the Mozambican city of Beira should reverse the criminal libel conviction of a journalist who wrote about a disagreement between a private school and the family of a disabled student, the Committee to Protect Journalists said today. Falume Chabane was sentenced to a 16-month suspended prison term on July 20 and ordered to pay damages of 150,000 meticais, according to news reports.

Aisling Binda


Chabane, formereditor of the online news journalO Autarca (The Mayor), published a series of columns in the spring of 2011that criticized the Beira International Primary School, according to news reports. The parents of Aisling Binda, a fourth-grader who is in a wheelchair, had complained that the school had not built a handicapped access ramp in compliance with a 2008 Mozambican children's rights law, according to news reports. The school later expelled the student,citing academic performance and other reasons, news reports said. The parents have said the expulsion was in retaliation for their complaint about the school's lack of handicapped access, news reports said.


The lawyer for the primary school, António Jorge Ucocho, filed a complaint accusing Chabane, who is also a reporter for TVM, of defaming both the school and himself and for "abusing freedom of the press," according to news reports. The journalist's stories had included daily updates on the number of days that Binda had missed school.


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"Journalists should not be subject to criminal prosecution for their reporting," said CPJ Africa Advocacy Coordinator Mohamed Keita from New York. "We call on the appeals court to overturn this verdict and for Mozambican authorities to repeal the archaic criminal statutes that allow this sort of prosecution."


The Mozambican government and authorities in Sofala province, along with local child advocacy groups, have criticized the school and ordered Binda to be reinstituted, news reports said.


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Source: Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ)

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African Union establishes High Level Panel on Science, Technology and Innovation

ADDIS ABABA, August 3, 2012/African Press Organization (APO)/ -- Given rapid advances in science and technology and growing emphasis on innovation in Africa, the African Union (AU) has established a high level advisory panel on science, technology and innovation.

The eight-person panel will be co-chaired by Prof. Calestous Juma of Harvard University and Prof. Ismail Serageldin of the Library of Alexandria, Egypt and will guide the AU on the review process of the Africa's Science and Technology Consolidated Plan of Action (CPA) which was adopted by African ministers of Science and technology in 2005 and endorsed by AU heads of state and government in 2006, with the view to moving the continent from resource-based economies into the age of innovation-led growth.


The first meeting of the panel will be held on 8 and 9 August 2012 at the Library of Alexandria in Egypt and its report will be presented at the next conference of African Ministerial Conference on Science and Technology (AMCOST) to be held in November 2012 in Brazzaville, Republic of Congo. The adopted plan will be presented to the AU heads of state and government summit of July 2013 for approval.


The overall review of the CPA is jointly coordinated by Prof. Aggrey Ambali, Head of the NEPAD Agency's Science, Technology and Innovation Hub based in South Africa, and the Science &Technology Division of the AUC.


Background information


The CPA is Africa's common framework for advancing science, technology and innovation through the creation, improvement and mobilization of human resources, infrastructure and promotion of cluster research and development programmes. The current CPA was planned to be implemented within five years after which it would be reviewed in order to examine achievements, make adjustments in the plan based on successes and challenges and prepare a roadmap for implementation.


The review will address such areas as how the CPA has effectively responded to the continental priorities, regional integration, intra-Africa cooperation, and spurred socio-economic transformation, and human and institutional development. It is expected that the review will flag out the lessons learnt and those that could be used to improve future flagship projects, consolidate gender-related impacts, enhance strong participation of the youth, promote policy reviews, and human, institutional and infrastructural capacity development.


At its meeting of May2012, the Bureau of the African Ministerial Conference on Science and Technology (AMCOST IV) resolved that the CPA review process should be overseen by a High Level Panel on Science, Technology and Innovation comprising eminent scientists and persons nominated by five African countries, an eminent African scientist from the Diaspora and two non-African scientists. The composition of the panel has been guided by the need for gender and regional representation.

In line with are solution passed by the Bureau of the African Ministerial Conference on Science and Technology, the Chairperson of the African Union, Dr. Jean Ping, has appointed the co-Chairs and members of the Panel. The members are Dr. Botlhale Tema of South Africa, Dr. Rispah Oduwo of Kenya, Prof. Jean-de Dieu Nzila of Republic of Congo, Prof. François Lompo of Burkina Faso. Two additional members represent the international community, namely Prof. Karim M. Maredia of Michigan State University and Prof. Pascal Kossivi Adjamagbo of University Paris 6.


The work of the panel is supported by a Working group comprising representatives from the African Union Commission, the NEPAD Agency, African Development Bank, UNESCO, UNECA, ICSU and the African Academy of Sciences.


Source: African Union Commission (AUC)

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Clinton Speaks On Building Sustainable Partnerships in Africa

Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton meets with Senegal's President Macky Sall at the Presidential Palace in Dakar, Senegal, Aug. 1, 2012. (AP Photo)

US Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton gives a mosquito net for malaria prevention to a local woman during a tour of the Philippe Senghor Health Center in Dakar, Senegal, Wednesday. Clinton arrived in Senegal’s capital late Tuesday at the start of a seven-nation, 11-day trip to Africa. — AP

2 Aug 2012 03:15 Africa/Lagos


Remarks on Building Sustainable Partnerships in Africa

WASHINGTON, August 2, 2012/African Press Organization (APO)/ -- Remarks

Hillary Rodham Clinton

Secretary of State

University of Cheikh Anta Diop

Dakar, Senegal

August 1, 2012



Good morning. It is such an honor and a pleasure for me to be here, and let me begin by thanking the Foreign Minister. We are very proud that you were educated in part in our country, and we are very pleased to see you in this position. And I thank you for quoting one of my favorite sayings and admonitions about what we are to do with our time on this earth. And I am grateful to you, Foreign Minister Cisse.

Let me also thank President Ndiaye for that warm welcome to this distinguished university. I have been looking forward to being here, a place that has trained so many of the leading citizens of Senegal and of West Africa, and to have this opportunity, joined by a broad cross-section of Senegalese society – government officials, religious leaders, members of the business community and civil society, young people and students, everyone representing the rich mosaic of democracy in Senegal.

I have many fond memories of my first trip to Senegal with my daughter, Chelsea, in 1997. And already last night and today, I have met people who I met for the first time during that visit. I met so many impressive and courageous men and women working to improve rural health, to protect the health of your girls, to be on the forefront of developing the economy. Even then, 15 years ago, I felt the promise and the potential that you were realizing, and I was so excited.

US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton (right) meets with women on a tour of the Philippe Senghor Health Center in Dakar, Senegal, on August 1, 2012. Photo/AFP

I remember going to Goree Island, I remember a memory of the darkest chapter in our long shared history, and feeling such despair at what human beings are capable of doing to one another, but then meeting with people who were committed to a future of hope and promise. When I went back to the White House, I told my husband he had to go to Senegal. And occasionally, husbands listen. (Applause.) So the very next year, I came back with him. Over 12 days, he took the longest trip to Africa by any American president yet. And he met with peacemakers and entrepreneurs, with students and statesmen and women. And here in Senegal, Bill talked about an African renaissance. Standing on Goree Island, he said, “As certainly as America lies over the horizon behind me, so I pledge to the people of Africa that we will reach over this ocean to build a new partnership based on friendship and respect.” And he followed through. (Applause.)

He followed through on that pledge with initiatives like the African Growth and Opportunity Act, which began opening U.S. markets to African goods, beginning to shift the focus of our relationship from aid to trade. His successor, President George W. Bush, first visited Senegal and other African nations in 2003. And he too was committed to deepening the partnership between our nations. Under President Bush's leadership, the United States launched two landmark programs – PEPFAR to fight HIV/AIDS, and the Millennium Challenge Corporation to link our assistance with improvements in governance and accountability.

And then President Obama, a son of both Africa and America – (applause) – advanced and personalized America's commitment in his historic 2009 speech to the parliament in Ghana. He laid out a vision for our relationship designed to build strong institutions embedded in democracy. As he memorably said, “Africa doesn't need strong men. It needs strong institutions.” (Applause.) I certainly think Senegal has proven that to be true. (Applause.)

President Obama also acknowledged that historically, Western powers had too often seen Africa as a source of resources to be exploited or as a charity cause in need of patronage. And he issued this challenge to Africans and Americans alike: Africa needs partnership, not patronage. And we have tried to build on that challenge. And throughout my trip across Africa this week, I will be talking about what it means, about a model of sustainable partnership that adds value rather than extracts it. That's America's commitment to Africa.

The Obama Administration's comprehensive strategy on Sub-Saharan Africa is based on four pillars: first, to promote opportunity and development; second, to spur economic growth, trade, and investment; third, to advance peace and security; and fourth, to strengthen democratic institutions. Our partnership with Senegal embodies all four of those pillars.

First, when it comes to development, we are building on the progress of programs like AGOA, PEPFAR, and MCC, and incorporating the lessons learned over the past decades. We are pursuing what is called country ownership of development. That means a nation's own efforts to lift your own people out of poverty, improve health and education, grow your economy, are led, planned, and ultimately implemented by your own government, your own communities, your own civil society, your own private sector.

Now, I know that in some quarters, the phrase “country ownership” raises questions. Some worry that it means donors are supposed to keep money flowing indefinitely while a handful of unaccountable ministers pick and choose how to spend it, or conversely, that it is code for abandoning our partners. Still others fear that country-owned really means government-run, freezing out civil society and the private sector.

Well, I think it is fair to ask these questions, because like many donors, the United States has not always done the best job promoting and explaining what we mean. But as I travel across Africa, I will be highlighting progress we've made in translating that phrase into reality. For example, when I am in South Africa, we will be announcing that South Africa will be taking over the management of their HIV/AIDS programs that treat nearly 6 million people a year. The United States has been a partner and a donor, and we continue to provide assistance, but the South African Government and people have said, “This is our issue that we must address with our people.”

Here in Senegal, we are working in the MCC agreement and with USAID to make sure we are responsive to the needs that we hear about from our experts and yours. So when I visited a health center this morning, I saw what we were doing to work with you about malaria and tuberculosis, but I also heard that what Senegal needs is more help with maternal mortality and health for mothers, more help with child survival and increasingly more help as every country in the world with chronic diseases, like diabetes and hypertension. So rather than us sitting in the United States, in Washington, in our office buildings deciding what Senegal needs or wants, we are determined to work with you to listen, to learn, and then to produce results together. (Applause.)

Now, we also believe that good governance and political will matter. Sustainable development hinges on political leaders making good choices to fight corruption and to create jobs, to prioritize investments in health and education, to put in place fair tax systems, transparent budgeting, and other responsible measures. And I heard from the President in our very constructive, comprehensive meeting earlier today about the steps that he is taking in every one of these categories. Because this goes beyond the portfolios of health or development ministers. It takes leadership from the top. And so I raised these issues with prime ministers and presidents, also with civil society, also with the private sector.

But ultimately, in a democracy such as Senegal's, the decisions should lie with the people, with people exercising their rights of citizenship to get the kind of services that you know you need for yourselves and your families. We welcome President Sall's focus on transparency and accountability in government and on independence for the judiciary. We believe his plans to boost agricultural production and reform land ownership rules will be very important. We also wish to help him fulfill his pledge to resolve the long-running conflict in the south. (Applause.) And we are committed to help in every way with the prosecution of former President Habre of Chad. All of these commitments are important ones that speak to the kind of government and country that Senegal is and intends to be. And the United States stands ready to help, as a partner and a friend.

The foundation for our investments in Senegal is a $540 million Millennium Challenge Compact, one of the largest in the world. Here is what it is intended to do based on the very tough competition that Senegal had to go through in order to receive this grant. It is helping Senegal improve roads, build bridges, irrigate some 90,000 acres of farm fields, make it easier for farmers to get their products to market. In addition to that, this year, the United States Agency for International Development is investing $19 million to build schools and train teachers, $17 million to strengthen the food supply, $55 million to improve public health. I saw the public health money in action at that health center this morning, because what I saw was a well-organized plan that put in one place the services that people will need. Now, that may sound obvious to you, but Senegal is leading in this area. Too many countries still have health services scattered all over. So if you're a pregnant woman who goes for a checkup, but who also wants to get a bed net for malaria protection, you have to go two different places. But at this health center based on the model that Senegal is building, it's more efficient, and it produces results faster. Working together, Senegal has driven child mortality down by 40 percent over the past five years. But there is still more work to be done.

The second pillar of our strategy is spurring economic growth, trade, and investment. Trade between the United States and Senegal rose 20 percent last year. We are really beginning to make progress, but as I told the President, we know there's more we must do to get that number even higher. The IMF recently reported that Senegal's democratic resilience has positioned you to achieve long-term growth, and the United States wants to be part of your success. Indeed, we believe – (applause) – that if you want to make a good investment in the midst of what is still a very difficult global economy, go to Africa. In Africa, you have seven of the ten fastest-growing economies in the world.

But too many businesspeople around the world don't know that. So we're going to do more to try to make sure businesses and investors in the United States know about the opportunities in Senegal and elsewhere across Africa. (Applause.) But in order to be meaningful, it's not just the numbers and the statistics that count. Growth needs to be translated into widely shared prosperity. It will not be a success if a small group of people get richer. What you want to see is sustainable inclusive growth over the long term. And I will be making that point everywhere I stop.

We're encouraging greater economic integration between regional neighbors. If one looks at Sub-Saharan Africa and you look at the barriers to growth, many of those are the barriers that exist between and among neighbors. If countries and regions of Africa traded as much between themselves as countries in Latin America or Asia do, growth would even be faster. So how can we work with you, with your businesses, with your governments to try to create more integration to fuel faster economic growth? We're also working with resource-rich nations to help make sure that their mineral and energy wealth actually improves the lives of their citizens. The days of having outsiders come and extract the wealth of Africa for themselves leaving nothing or very little behind should be over in the 21st century. (Applause.)

The third pillar is a commitment to shared security and regional problem-solving. And here, too, the United States and Senegal are working together closely, working to combat terrorism, tackling regional threats such as drug trafficking, supporting peace and security throughout the region and the world. And I especially want to applaud and thank Senegal for your contributions to peacekeeping missions from Cote d'Ivoire and the Democratic Republic of the Congo all the way to Haiti. I hear many compliments about the professionalization, the expertise of the Senegalese military. (Applause.) And we, for one, thank you for that.

We have also welcomed the leadership of the African Union in promoting peace, security, and democracy. The African Union sent very strong messages about Africa's emerging norms by suspending Madagascar, Guinea-Bissau, and Mali after their coups and calling for the restoration of elected civilian governments. And I look forward to discussing the future of the African Union with its newly elected woman chair in South Africa next week. (Laughter.)

With Senegal's participation, the Economic Community of West African States, ECOWAS, has also become a leader in responding to political and security crises. ECOWAS stood up for democracy by opposing the illegitimate Gbagbo regime when it held on to power after losing the election in Cote d'Ivoire. It's coordinating regional responses to transnational threats such as narcotics, piracy, and small arms trafficking. And we are working together to train police, prosecutors, and security forces to help strengthen the rule of law and uphold human rights.

It's especially appropriate to emphasize the fourth pillar of our approach here in Senegal because it is the heart of the American model of partnership, and that is our enduring support for democracy and human rights, our helping other nations and people fulfill their own aspirations. By every measure, democracies make better neighbors and better partners. They are more capable of working together to solve shared challenges. They innovate more. They give people a way to devote their energies to productive political, economic and civic engagement, which reduces the allure of extremism. And open societies offer more opportunities for economic, educational, cultural, and people-to-people exchanges, which are the foundation for peace.

Now, I know there is sometimes an argument that democracy is a privilege belonging to wealthy countries, and that developing economies must put economic growth first and worry about democracy later. But that's not the lesson of history. Over the long run, you can't have effective economic liberalization without political liberalization. Without the rule of law, people with a good business idea or money to invest cannot trust that contracts will be honored and corruption punished, or that regulations will be transparent and disputes resolved fairly, and so many will end up looking for opportunities elsewhere, some even migrating out of their countries of origin. Last year, the World Bank reported evidence that respect for economic freedom and civil and political liberties helps explain why some countries achieve better long-term economic outcomes than others. So instead of viewing democratic reform as an afterthought, we see it as key, a key building block of sustainable development.

And if anyone doubts whether democracy can flourish in African soil, let them come to Senegal. (Applause.) Americans admire Senegal as one of the only countries in West Africa never to have had a military coup. (Applause.) And we stood firmly behind the people of Senegal as you defended your democracy and your constitution in the recent presidential elections. (Applause.) It was a compelling example for Africa and the world. We saw a handful of musicians and young activists sparking a mass movement with a simple slogan: “We're fed up.” (Applause.) We saw diverse civil society organizations rallying together, registering and educating voters. We saw students marching in the streets proclaiming, “My voting card is my weapon.” (Applause.)

We saw soldiers and police upholding democratic principles by steering clear of politics. We saw long lines of citizens waiting to vote. We saw civil society activists monitor more than 11,000 polling stations, texting vote counts and reports of irregularities to an independent center in Dakar. We saw perhaps the most sophisticated monitoring program ever deployed in Africa or anywhere else. (Applause.) And in the end, we saw a peaceful transfer of power. We saw democracy reaffirmed. We saw Senegal's traditions preserved. And we joined with the rest of the world in praise and respect for the Senegalese people. (Applause.)

And on a personal note, I have to add – I was particularly impressed that Senegalese voters elected women to 65 of the 150 seats in the new National Assembly. (Applause.) You probably know this, but that gives Senegal one of the highest percentage of women in directly-elected legislative bodies in the world. (Applause.) And of course, it makes perfect sense because democracies must be open to and include all of their people, men and women, not just to vote, but to have the chance to participate and to lead. And Senegalese women took a leadership role during the voting, including the Women's Platform for Peaceful Elections, a network of more than 60 organizations. And the Situation Room, which was such an important clearinghouse – (applause) – it was such an important clearinghouse for information and activism that President Sall made it a point to visit the first day after his victory was announced.

Now sustaining this participation will be critical in the days ahead, because you know things cannot happen overnight. It takes time. But you have a leadership that you have elected that has made public commitments to the changes that you want them to make. And I know from our own work with your new leadership they are absolutely committed to see those changes happen. (Applause.) So we will stand with them and with you as you begin the hard work of translating into reality and results the rhetoric of what happens in a political campaign.

Now the resilience of democracy is being repeated across the continent. We've seen the restoration of constitutional order in Niger and Guinea following coups. We've seen credible elections in Benin, Cape Verde, Liberia, Nigeria, Zambia, and Togo over the last year alone. We've seen freer media, fairer justice systems, more effective legislatures, more vibrant civil societies.

Take Cote d'Ivoire, for example, which last year had to fight off a serious threat to democracy and this year is reaping the economic rewards. The World Bank, the IMF, and the Paris Club have agreed to forgive nearly $4 million in debt – $4 billion in debt. And whereas their GDP declined by more than 6 percent in 2011 during their crisis, it's expected to soar by more than 8 percent this year. And Cote d'Ivoire, because they are now at peace and democratic order has been restored, has been able to unlock global financing for long-delayed infrastructure projects, including new bridges, hydroelectric dams, and much more.

So democracy and peace pay off. This week, all of us join the people of Ghana in mourning the passing of President Mills, a good man and a good leader for his country. (Applause.) But we are also celebrating the smooth, peaceful, constitutional transfer of power to President Mahama. The Ghanaian people will head to the polls later this year and will have an opportunity to add another accomplishment to one of Africa's great democracy stories.

Earlier this year, I had the privilege of attending the second inauguration of President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf in Liberia, a country that only recently emerged from years of war and economic ruin. There were troubling signs that this last election might reignite the flames of conflict, but Liberia's leaders and its young, democratic institutions proved strong and kept the country on track.

Now I know how hard it can be to keep faith in a democratic system when your preferred candidate or party loses an election. I've won elections and I've lost elections. I know that boycotting or obstructing is no way to advance an agenda or to solve a problem. It's a recipe for gridlock and conflict.

I'm often asked, all over the world, how I could agree to serve in President Obama's Cabinet after we had campaigned so hard against each other. I was trying to beat him, he was trying to beat me, and he succeeded. And I always give the same answer: Because we both love our country. (Applause.) Because that's what democracy is all about, and that's what patriotism is all about. And you know that here in Senegal. And we hope to see that spirit and experience take hold in many more countries in the region. Because as proud as we are to see the successful elections and the peaceful transitions, there are still too many places in this region and across the continent where democracy is threatened, where human rights are abused, where the rule of law is undermined. There are still too many Africans living under autocratic rulers who care more about preserving their grip on power than promoting the welfare of their citizens. Violent extremism, transnational crime, and rampant corruption all threaten democracy.

And we have seen some backsliding because we have seen that in less than a decade, the number of electoral democracies in Sub-Saharan Africa have fallen from 24 in 2005 to just 19 today. Now, that's far better than it was 20 years ago, but not nearly good enough.

And here in Senegal, there are some worrisome developments in your neighborhood. In Guinea-Bissau, no elected president has successfully served a full five-year term, and this past April a military coup once again disrupted constitutional rule. And we thank Senegal for contributing troops to the ECOWAS stabilization force there. The already weak economy is collapsing. Cashew production is forecast to drop by half. But what is growing? Drug trafficking. Rampant corruption, greed, is taking over. And we see a very troubling trend, that Guinea-Bissau, unless the people of Guinea-Bissau with the help of their neighbors and the international community say no, could become a totally dependent state on drug traffickers from Latin America. What a terrible development. The President and I talked at length about what more we could do to help, and we stand ready to do so, because the people of Guinea-Bissau certainly deserve better.

Mali was, by most indicators, on the right path until a cadre of soldiers seized power a little more than a month before national elections were scheduled to be held. By some estimates, this could set back Mali's economic progress by nearly a decade. It certainly created a vacuum in the North in which rebellion and extremism have spread, threatening not only people's lives and the treasures of the past, but the stability of the region. And recent reports from Human Rights Watch raises concern about alleged torture and extra-judicial killings at the hands of the mutineers.

Now the interim President has returned and we encourage all parties to set aside their differences, work to restore democracy, schedule elections by April of next year, preserve the territorial integrity of the country, reject the appeals of violent extremism.

The African Union has suspended Mali, ECOWAS has imposed sanctions, the United States is holding back funding, and we've continued critical humanitarian assistance for programs in health and food, and we're contributing $10 million to assist the more than 260,000 Malian refugees who have been displaced. And we're well aware of the greater food crisis across the Sahel, and we're getting more than $355 million to try to address the food and refugee crisis across the Sahel. I've also dispatched some of my top aides to work with the UN High Commissioner for Refugees to go to Mali, to go to Burkina Faso, and elsewhere to assess further what the needs are. But we cannot and will not resume assistance to the government until the military accept civilian control and a democratically-elected government once again takes office.

Now, Mali and Guinea-Bissau are just two examples. There unfortunately are more. And in places where jobs are scarce and a tiny elite prospers while most of the population struggles, people – especially young people – can turn their frustrations into social, economic, and political change. That's the right channel. But they can also be attracted to violence, to conflict, to extremism out of frustration and anger at what they see happening around them.

It is time – it is past time – for all leaders to accept accountability, to treat their people with dignity, to respect their rights, to deliver economic opportunity and services for all. As I told the African Union in Addis Ababa last summer, leaders who hold onto power at all costs, who suppress dissent to enrich themselves, their families, and their supporters at the expense of their own people, who define democracy as one election, one time are on the wrong side of history. (Applause.) We are seeing that in North Africa, and we are seeing everywhere, where people finally say, “Enough. We're fed up.” (Applause.)


So the links between democracy and development is a defining element of the American model of partnership. And I acknowledge that in the past our policies did not always line up with our principles. But today, we are building relationships here in West Africa and across the continent that are not transactional or transitory. They are built to last. And they're built on a foundation of shared democratic values and respect for the universal human rights of every man and woman. We want to add value to our partners, and we want to add value to people's lives. So the United States will stand up for democracy and universal human rights, even when it might be easier or more profitable to look the other way, to keep the resources flowing. Not every partner makes that choice, but we do and we will.

I also acknowledge that some people back in the United States say we shouldn't bother, that we should just focus on America's immediate economic or security interests, not worry so much about the slow, hard work of building democracy elsewhere. But I think that is shortsighted. It's not only in what we see to be the interest of the people of Senegal and elsewhere, it's also in our interest to have strong and stable partners in the world, and democracies are by far the strongest and most stable partners. So this isn't altruism. This is a strategic commitment to shared prosperity, to common security.

During the recent elections here, many young people and students talked of a new type of Senegalese citizen emerging – active, engaged, committed to democracy. Well, that's the kind of partnership we want with you, and particularly with your young people. This is a young country, and this is a young continent. (Applause.) And we know that young people are now connected to each other in ways that were not imaginable just a few years ago. A young student here at this university knows what's happening not only in South Africa, but in South Asia. You can see what other people are doing, how they're participating, and you begin to say to yourself: What about our talent? What about our potential? What about our future? I am here to tell you we believe in the young people of Senegal and the young people of Africa. (Applause.) And we believe that talent is universal, but opportunity is not.

So what does that mean? We believe that right now somewhere in Senegal a young boy or a young girl could be a scientist that helps discover a cure for a rare form of cancer – (applause) – could be a president in 30 or 40 years, could be an entrepreneur that creates a new business that employs hundreds, even thousands – (applause) – of other Senegalese. We believe that. And we believe the best way to test that is to do what Senegal is doing, to keep doing the hard work of education, of healthcare, of development, and especially in the rural areas, of gender parity, so you don't lose the talents of half the population of Senegal – (applause) – as you build this new future.

We want to advance your aspirations and our shared values. We want to help more people in more places live up to their own God-given potentials. We want this to be our mutual mission. That is the work we are called to do in the 21st century. It is a race, a race between hope and fear, a race between potential realized and despair imbued in every pore of one's body. It is a race that we are in between those who believe as you and we believe, that there is an unlimited future for those who are willing to work together.

So thank you, Senegal. Thank you for what you have done in your own country. Thank you for being a model in this region, a champion of democracy, a force for peace, prosperity, and progress. And thank you for being a partner and a friend to the United States of America. Thank you and God bless you. (Applause.)


Source: US Department of State

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Nollywood Box Office Returns Will Be A Laughing Stock In Hollywood

So much noise has been made over the worth of Nollywood, the Nigerian film industry and with many opportunists going gaga over the claims of Nollywood being the second or third largest movie industry in the world after Hollywood and Bollywood. But when compared to Bollywood and Hollywood, Nollywood is child's play in current box office ratings of films made in the world.

The highest grossing Nigerian film in Nigeria is Chineze Anyaene's IJÉ the Journey that even made less than N100 million and that is not up to one million dollars and in Hollywood any film that did not make up to $1m at the box office is a failure. What IJÉ the Journey made at the cinemas in Nigeria in over 12 months is what the worst performing Hollywood movie makes from the box office.

The next highest grossing Nollywood movies made between N30 million and N50 million.
What is N30 million in dollars?
Any Nigerian producer who makes N30 million or N80 million about ($500, 000) and is celebrating will be a laughing stock in Hollywood when the movie cost almost twice for the production.

Lest we forget, the history of film making in Nigeria dates back to 1904 when the first Nigerian film Palaver was shot in Jos. And we have been having collaborations with Hollywood since Ossie Davis (December 18, 1917 – February 4, 2005) came to Nigeria to shoot the film adaptation of Nobel Laureate Prof. Wole Soyinka's Kongi's Harvest in 1971 for Francis Oladele's Calpenny Limited and Countdown at Kusini in 1976. And even before then Segun Olusola co-produced Son of Africa in 1970 and Oladele's second film was Bullfrog in the Sun in 1972, the film adaptation of Things Fall Apart and No Longer at Ease, directed by a German Pohland Hansjürgen with the famous Princess Elisabeth of Toro, who was a lawyer in Uganda and a model in New York playing the leading actress role. Then there were over 100 cinemas in Nigeria. So, Nigeria has come a long way before Nollywood videographers emerged in the late 1980s and early 1990s with the popular video blockbuster Living in Bondage directed by Chris Obi Rapu, written by Kenneth Nnebue and Okechukwu Ogunjiofor, aka "Paulo" blazing the trail for a new era in Nigerian film history.

A scene from Half of A Yellow Sun film.

The most expensive Nigerian film presently is the film adaptation of Half of A Yellow Sun, the award winning novel of Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie, directed by Biyi Bandele and produced by Andrea Calderwood, best known for her thriller The Last King Of Scotland that won an Oscar for Forest Whitaker's classic portrayal of the barbaric Ugandan dictator Idi Amin Dada. The producers said the budget is $8 million. And this is projected to be the first Nigerian film that may make the US box office in 2013.

~ ~ By Ekenyerengozi Michael Chima, August 1, 2012, Lagos, Nigeria.
Michael Chima is the most popular African blogger with over 30 blogs and the author of Children of Heaven, Sleepless Night, Scarlet Tears of London, Bye, Bye Mugabe, In the House of Dogs and co-author of Naked Beauty. His new books The Prophet Lied, and Barack Obama and the American Dream will be released before Christmas. He is also a TV/Film producer and Founder of the annual Eko International Film Festival in Lagos, Nigeria.













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Hotels Rank Americans First for Best Foods in the World

Hot dogs are the least recommended dish by Americans, as discovered by the Hotels.com global food survey.

Americans Guide the Way to the World’s Best Food

Hotels.com® culinary survey reveals top countries for best cheap chow, extravagant eats and overall authentic local fare

56% of American participants in the Hotels.com culinary survey would recommend Barbeque as the “must try” dish of the United States.

According to the Hotels.com global food survey of 27,000 travelers, Americans voted Italy as number one for best overall local food across all age groups, genders and geographical regions.

DALLAS — July 31, 2012 /PRNewswire/ — Hotels.com® has long been an authority on lodging around the world, but savvy travelers know that there is more to finding the perfect place than just the hotel property alone. That’s why vacationers rely on the experts at Hotels.com to provide insider information on key trip-planning elements, such as food and activity trends, to make their journey a success. Today, the online booking expert has released the results of a global survey of 27,000 travelers that discovered some core facts about American food preferences internationally and domestically.
Over 1,000 Americans participated in the global survey and 63 percent of the respondents specified food as an important factor when selecting a hotel for various types of leisure travel, from city escapes to romantic rendezvous and family getaways. Below are some key findings from the survey that may help to point future globetrotters in the direction of the world’s best food:
The Best of the Best (according to Americans)

• Italy was voted number one for best overall local food across all age groups, genders and geographical regions.
• France came in second place for best overall food in the world, followed by Mexico, and the U.S. following closely behind.
• The consensus is that the U.S. is the best destination for family dining, followed by Italy and Germany.

Best Local Food
1.	Italy
2.	France
3.	Mexico

Foodie Budgets and Best Values (according to Americans)

• On average, Americans spend 25-49 percent of their daily budget on food when traveling abroad.
• With 14 percent of the total response count, the United States emerged as the leading country for a good value when it comes to meals while traveling.
• The U.S. was also voted number one for street food – unsurprising with the surge of gourmet food trucks in recent years, which likely served as a contributing factor to the country’s budget-friendliness.
• Mexico came in second for both the best value and street food categories.
• Other countries that topped the list for cheap (but good) eats include: Italy, China, India, Canada and Spain.

Best Food on a Budget
1.	USA
2.	Mexico
3.	Italy

Best Luxury Menu (according to Americans)

• All age groups, genders and geographical regions agreed that France is the best country in which to find superior quality dining.
• Italy came in second for the most posh eating experience, except among respondents in the Northeastern part of the U.S. and those in the 55-64 age group, which each picked the U.S. as second best.

Best Fine Dining
1.	France
2.	Italy
3.	USA

‘Must Try’ American Dishes

• Most Americans (56 percent) would recommend Barbeque as the “must try” dish of the United States – a decision that was consistent across all geographical regions.
• Burgers and fries is the second most recommended dish overall, followed by fried chicken.
• Respondents in the 16-24 age group said burgers and fries are best, even over barbeque.
• Hot dogs are the least recommended dish.
• Apple pie is the only dessert item to make the list and it even ranked above other long-time American classics like macaroni and cheese and chili.

Most Recommended Home Favorites
1.	Barbeque
2.	Burgers and Fries
3.	Fried Chicken
4.	Apple Pie
5.	Buffalo Wings

The U.S. portion of the survey is a regional segment of an even larger global food survey from Hotels.com, which polled more than 27,000 travelers. The global edition of the survey shows that international travelers also favor Italian and French cuisine overall, taking first and second spot in the rankings respectively. However, the global survey differs from the regional U.S. findings in that it indicates that dishes from Japan that are gaining popularity around the world, with favorite dishes such as Sushi, Tempura, Ramen and Japanese Soba helping it to snag the third most favored country for cuisine overall on a global scale.

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Press Contacts:
Ashley Aberbach – Finn Partners for Hotels.com
Phone: (212) 715-1524
Email: ashley@finnpartners.com

Taylor L. Cole, APR
Hotels.com North America
Phone: (469) 335-8442
Email: taycole@hotels.com

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